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Quaid Najmi

4 January 2025 at 3:26:24 pm

Bombay HC closes case against four accused

Mumbai: In a major setback to the prosecution, the Bombay High Court has quashed a Special Court’s order framing charges implicating four accused in the Malegaon 2006 bomb blasts case, thus effectively closing the trial against them.   A division bench of Chief Justice Shree Chandrashekhar and Justice Shyam Chandak allowed appeals filed by the accused - Rajendra Chaudhary, Dhan Singh, Manohar Ramsingh Narwaria and Lokesh Sharma - setting aside the Special NIA Court’s September 30, 2025 order...

Bombay HC closes case against four accused

Mumbai : In a major setback to the prosecution, the Bombay High Court has quashed a Special Court’s order framing charges implicating four accused in the Malegaon 2006 bomb blasts case, thus effectively closing the trial against them.   A division bench of Chief Justice Shree Chandrashekhar and Justice Shyam Chandak allowed appeals filed by the accused - Rajendra Chaudhary, Dhan Singh, Manohar Ramsingh Narwaria and Lokesh Sharma - setting aside the Special NIA Court’s September 30, 2025 order that had charged them with murder, criminal conspiracy and offences under the Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act (UAPA).   The high court’s ruling has discharged all the four appellants and halts the last remaining prosecution in one of the deadliest terror cases famous as the Malegaon 2006 blasts case. With this, there are no accused left facing trial.   Earlier, the court had condoned a 49-day delay in filing the appeals, noting they were statutory appeals under Section 21 of the National Investigation Agency (NIA) Act.   While admitting their pleas in January 2026, the Court had observed that a “prima facie case for interference” was made out and stayed further trial proceedings in the Special Court.   Later, the case narrative went topsy-turvy after the NIA entered the probe. It concluded that the earlier (nine) accused were innocent and instead pointed to the alleged involvement of Hindu right-wing activists.   In 2016, a Special NIA Court discharged all the nine originally accused-arrested men on grounds of insufficient evidence. This ruling was challenged before the high court in 2019 and is still pending.   Purported Confession The NIA’s conclusions in the revised case relied heavily on a purported confession by Swami Aseemanand in 2010, in which he allegedly claimed that an associate Sunil Joshi (since deceased) had told him that the Malegaon blasts were carried out by ‘his boys’.   Based on this confession, the NIA filed a fresh charge-sheet naming the four appellants, along with the deceased Joshi and three others absconding accused.   However, Aseemanand later retracted his confession and alleged coercion tactics. He was already in custody and accused in other blast cases like the Samjhauta Express, Mecca Masjid and Ajmer Sharif, and the court rejected his confession as ‘unreliable’, and acquitted him.   No Eyewitness The lawyer for the four appellants argued in the high court that there were no eyewitness linking the accused to the terror strike and that the prosecution’s case was based on a confession that was already discredited by multiple courts.   He also questioned the legality of discharging the other (nine) co-accused while proceeding against the (four) appellants, pointing out that appeals against those discharge orders are still pending.   The four men were arrested in 2013 and spent six years in custody before being granted bail in 2019, with the high court noting at the time that they had been incarcerated without trial for an extended period.   With today’s ruling, the case has acquired a queer legal status: the original nine accused have been discharged, and the charges against the subsequent set of four accused are quashed.   While the discharge of the nine accused awaits the final legal scrutiny, till date, not a single conviction has been secured in 20-year-old blasts case.   Incidentally, the verdict comes barely a year after a Special NIA Court acquitted all seven accused in the other Malegaon 2008 bomb blasts case, citing lack of evidence, in which, among the accused were ex-BJP MP Sadhvi Pragnya Singh Thakur, besides certain army officers.   As far as the survivors and the families of the victims are concerned, the 2006 case has brought no relief despite prolonged investigations by multiple probe agencies, shifting theories, and an unfulfilled quest for fixing accountability.   Multiple probes, no result It was a Friday afternoon of September 8, 2006 when multiple blasts ripped through the Hamidia Mosque and a cemetery in Malegaon, a power-loom town in Nashik district. The explosions killed more than 31 people besides injuring over 300, sparking widespread outrage.   The local police and then the Maharashtra Anti-Terrorism Squad (ATS), first probed the case and arrested nine Muslim men against whom a chargesheet was filed in December 2006.   Subsequently, the Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI) took over the case in 2007, and continued the same line of investigation, while the nine accused spent nearly five years in jail before securing bail in 2011.

Delay, Discretion and a Legal Grey Zone

Why Vice-Chancellor appointments stalled in the state

AI generated image
AI generated image

Kolhapur: A pattern of prolonged delays in appointing vice-chancellors across Maharashtra’s state universities is raising questions that go beyond administrative inefficiency, touching upon legality, governance, and academic fallout. With key posts lying vacant for months and interim arrangements becoming the norm, the issue now sits at the intersection of constitutional responsibility and regulatory compliance.


At the heart of the problem is a paradox: while university laws clearly mandate a time-bound selection process, the final authority responsible for approving appointments — the Chancellor’s office, vested in the Governor — is itself seen as a bottleneck. In several cases, vice-chancellor posts have remained vacant for over six months after incumbents demitted office, disrupting academic and administrative continuity across hundreds of affiliated institutions.


The situation is evident in universities such as Shivaji University, Maharashtra University of Health Sciences, and Dr Babasaheb Ambedkar Technological University, where either the posts remain vacant or additional charge has been handed to vice-chancellors of other universities. This stop-gap arrangement, critics argue, discourages long-term decision-making, leading to policy paralysis and a pile-up of pending files.


Legally, the Maharashtra Universities Act envisages that the process of appointing a new vice-chancellor should be completed before the incumbent’s tenure ends. A search committee constituted under statutory provisions screens candidates and recommends a panel to the Chancellor, who makes the final selection. However, this process has increasingly failed to adhere to timelines, undermining the intent of the law.


Unfilled Posts

The implications are structural. Vice-chancellors are central to appointing pro-vice-chancellors, deans, and other academic heads. Delays at the top cascade downwards, leaving key academic and administrative posts unfilled. The result is a disruption in governance and a dilution of academic quality, at a time when universities are expected to compete globally on research output and institutional standards.


Adding another layer of complexity is the mismatch between state laws and the evolving regulatory framework of the University Grants Commission (UGC). Under the UGC Act, 1956, any changes in central regulations — particularly concerning the composition of search committees — are expected to be reflected in state university laws. However, Maharashtra has not aligned its legislation with recent UGC norms for state universities, even though similar changes have been adopted for private universities.


Legal Vulnerability

This divergence has created a potential legal vulnerability. The continued inclusion of state government officials, such as education secretaries, in search committees — contrary to revised UGC guidelines — raises concerns about both the autonomy of the selection process and the scope for political influence. Experts warn that such deviations could render appointments open to judicial challenge, a scenario that has precedent in courts across the country.


The broader concern is political. Allegations of ideological preferences shaping appointments are not new, but the UGC’s revised framework sought to insulate the process by redefining the composition of search committees. Maharashtra’s reluctance to implement these changes for state universities has therefore intensified scrutiny.


Meanwhile, the academic cost continues to mount. In a higher education ecosystem already grappling with limited funding and global competitiveness challenges, governance gaps only deepen institutional fragility. India’s struggle to place more universities among the world’s top 500 underscores the urgency of systemic reform.


Policy Paralysis

The contrast within the state is telling. While private universities, governed by updated laws, have largely managed smoother appointments, state universities remain mired in delays and procedural ambiguities. This duality not only reflects policy inconsistency but also raises questions about intent.


Ultimately, the issue is one of accountability. If delays persist despite clear legal provisions, and if statutory changes mandated by national regulators remain unimplemented, the responsibility cannot remain diffused. Whether the bottleneck lies in bureaucratic inertia or political calculation, the cost is being borne by institutions and students alike.


As the possibility of legal challenges looms and academic uncertainty deepens, Maharashtra’s higher education system faces a pressing question: can governance reforms keep pace with regulatory mandates, or will delays continue to define the state’s university landscape?


“Under the 2018 regulations approved by the University Grants Commission, it is mandatory for all universities to amend their laws in line with the revised norms for search committees and implement them,” he said. “While Maharashtra has incorporated these changes in the private universities law, state universities continue to follow the old procedure. If legally challenged, such appointments may not stand scrutiny and could be declared invalid.”

Dr Manikrao Salunkhe, Former President, Association of Indian Universities


“The delay in appointing Vice-Chancellors is impacting the growth of universities. Policy decisions are stalled and key issues remain unresolved,” he said. “Vice-Chancellors holding additional charge often limit themselves to routine remarks on files rather than taking decisive action.”

Advocate Ashwinkumar Mithari, Member, Senate of Shivaji University

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