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By:

Akhilesh Sinha

25 June 2025 at 2:53:54 pm

From legacy to leadership

Samrat Choudhary's ascent reflects legacy, caste dynamics, and political shifts Patna:  The rise of Samrat Choudhary in Bihar's political landscape is not merely the story of an individual's success, but a reflection of a long political tradition, evolving social equations, and shifting power dynamics over time. Following his election as the leader of the Bharatiya Janata Party's legislative wing, his elevation to the chief minister's office appears almost certain, which is marking a decisive...

From legacy to leadership

Samrat Choudhary's ascent reflects legacy, caste dynamics, and political shifts Patna:  The rise of Samrat Choudhary in Bihar's political landscape is not merely the story of an individual's success, but a reflection of a long political tradition, evolving social equations, and shifting power dynamics over time. Following his election as the leader of the Bharatiya Janata Party's legislative wing, his elevation to the chief minister's office appears almost certain, which is marking a decisive milestone in a political journey spanning more than three and half decades. Over the years, his political journey traversed multiple parties, including the Congress, Samata Party, Rashtriya Janata Dal, Janata Dal (United), and Hindustani Awam Morcha. His name did surface in a high-profile criminal case in 1995, though he was later acquitted due to lack of evidence. Samrat Choudhary's mother Parvati Devi was also politically active and was elected as an MLA from Tarapur in a 1998 by-election. Among his siblings, Rohit Choudhary is associated with the JD(U) and is active in the education sector, while Dharmendra Choudhary is engaged in social work. His wife, Mamta Kumari, has also been actively involved during election campaigns. The family includes a son Pranay and a daughter Charu Priya. Choudhary entered active politics in 1990, beginning his career with the RJD. In 1999, he became Agriculture Minister in the Rabri Devi government, though his appointment was mired in controversy over his age, eventually forcing him to step down. He later parted ways with the RJD, moved to the JD(U), and ultimately joined the BJP. Since 2018, his stature within the BJP has steadily grown, culminating in his appointment as the party's Bihar state president in 2022. Controversy Man With the beginning of his new innings in the BJP, Choudhary once again found himself in the spotlight, this time over questions surrounding his educational qualifications. Allegations regarding the validity of the degree mentioned in his election affidavit became part of political discourse. The opposition, particularly Prashant Kishor, raised the issue forcefully during the elections. However, the controversy failed to gain substantive traction and remained confined to political rhetoric, with no significant impact on electoral outcomes. Hailing from the Tarapur region of Munger district, Choudhary's identity is deeply rooted in this region. Historically influential, the region has provided a strong social and political base for both him and his family. Belonging to the Kushwaha (Koeri) community, he represents a crucial social base in Bihar's caste equations. This makes his role significant in the 'Lav-Kush' (Kurmi-Koeri) political dynamic that has shaped the state's politics for decades. Sharp Turns Choudhary's political journey has been marked by sharp turns and contradictions. At one stage, he was among the fiercest critics of Nitish Kumar, even declaring that he would not remove his traditional 'Muraitha' (a kind of turban) until Kumar was unseated from power. Yet, as political equations shifted, Choudhary not only consolidated his position within the BJP but also emerged as a key figure in power-sharing arrangements with Nitish Kumar. After 2020, when Sushil Kumar Modi was moved to national politics, new opportunities opened up for Choudhary. He became a member of the Legislative Council, later served as Leader of the Opposition, and eventually rose to become state president. His political stature further expanded when, following Nitish Kumar's return to the NDA, Choudhary was entrusted with the dual roles of Deputy Chief Minister and Home Minister, which is an unprecedented move in Bihar's political framework. Despite his rise, controversies have not been entirely absent from his career. Questions regarding his age and educational qualifications surfaced intermittently, though their long-term political impact remained limited. Today, Samrat Choudhary stands at the center of Bihar's political stage. His ascent is not merely the result of personal ambition but the outcome of a deep political legacy, an understanding of social dynamics, and strong organisational acumen. The real test now lies in how he transforms this legacy into effective governance and development. Strengthening law and order and meeting public expectations will be crucial. The people of Bihar are watching closely, and only time will determine how successfully he rises to the occasion.

Democracy Under Siege

Once hailed as the Black Sea’s democratic beacon, Georgia now teeters between its European aspirations and a return to post-Soviet authoritarian reflexes.

When protesters set fire to barricades in Tbilisi over the weekend, the smoke that rose above Freedom Square carried the residue of Georgia’s long and troubled struggle to define itself as a democracy, as a European nation and as a state still shadowed by the ghosts of empire.


Saturday’s local elections, marred by violence, arrests, and accusations of a coup attempt, mark the latest act in a drama that has stretched across three decades of fragile independence.


Prime Minister Irakli Kobakhidze called the protests an “attempted coup,” vowing severe reprisals against what he branded “foreign agents.” Opposition figures, meanwhile, denounced the government’s crushing of dissent as a slide into authoritarianism. Between these two narratives lies the uncomfortable truth which is that Georgia’s democracy, once seen as a model for the post-Soviet world, is fraying under the weight of paranoia and populism.


The weekend’s clashes were ostensibly over municipal polls - a routine event that should have passed with little fanfare. Instead, they became a referendum on Georgia’s political soul. The ruling Georgian Dream party, in power since 2012, claimed sweeping victories in all cities and councils, even as most opposition groups boycotted the vote, alleging manipulation and intimidation. For a country still recovering from the disputed parliamentary elections of 2024, the results only deepened public mistrust.


The roots of this crisis run deep. Georgia’s post-Soviet history has always oscillated between democratic promise and political repression. In 2003, the Rose Revolution toppled Eduard Shevardnadze’s corrupt regime, ushering in a new era of reform under Mikheil Saakashvili. But Saakashvili’s own rule grew increasingly autocratic, and by the time Georgian Dream ousted him, many hoped the pendulum would finally settle in the middle - a stable, European democracy grounded in the rule of law.


Instead, the pendulum has swung back. The current government has jailed opposition figures, muzzled the press, and raided civil-society groups — actions disturbingly reminiscent of Russia’s methods, not Brussels’. Western diplomats have accused the government of democratic backsliding and of deliberately stalling Georgia’s long-promised path to European Union membership, enshrined in its constitution but frozen by Brussels last year. Kobakhidze and his allies, for their part, claim that the West seeks to drag Georgia into the war in Ukraine - a conspiratorial refrain borrowed from Moscow’s propaganda lexicon.


At the heart of this confrontation lies a question as old as Georgia’s independence: who truly speaks for the Georgian people? The government insists it is defending stability and sovereignty against foreign meddling. The opposition argues that it is defending democracy against creeping authoritarianism. Both wrap themselves in patriotic rhetoric, but only one side controls the police, the courts, and the airwaves.


Georgia’s turmoil cannot be understood without reference to geography. Wedged between Russia, Turkey, and the Black Sea, it has long been a strategic prize.


Since the 2008 war with Russia, which ended with the loss of Abkhazia and South Ossetia, Tbilisi has sought security through integration with the West. Yet each crisis nudges it closer to the orbit of its northern neighbour. The rhetoric of ‘foreign agents’ and ‘subversive acts’ would not sound out of place in the Kremlin.


For Europe, Georgia’s drift poses a dilemma. Brussels has tied accession to reforms in judicial independence, press freedom, and transparency. But every crackdown in Tbilisi weakens the EU’s leverage and strengthens Moscow’s hand. A country once courted as the democratic success story of the Caucasus now risks becoming another cautionary tale of democratic decay.


Still, Georgia’s streets continue to speak. Even after police fired water cannons and arrested opposition leaders, hundreds of demonstrators returned to parliament on Sunday, vowing to save democracy. Their numbers were smaller, but their defiance echoed the courage that once inspired the Rose Revolution.


For now, Georgian Dream’s grip appears firm. But as history in this volatile region shows, repression often buys only temporary calm. Georgia’s rulers would do well to remember that legitimacy cannot be manufactured by force and that the dream of democracy, once awakened, is not so easily extinguished.

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