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By:

Quaid Najmi

4 January 2025 at 3:26:24 pm

Congress’ solo path for ‘ideological survival’

Mumbai: The Congress party’s decision to contest the forthcoming BrihanMumbai Municipal Corporation (BMC) elections independently is being viewed as an attempt to reclaim its ideological space among the public and restore credibility within its cadre, senior leaders indicated. The announcement - made by AICC General Secretary Ramesh Chennithala alongside state president Harshwardhan Sapkal and Mumbai Congress chief Varsha Gaikwad - did not trigger a backlash from the Maharashtra Vikas Aghadi...

Congress’ solo path for ‘ideological survival’

Mumbai: The Congress party’s decision to contest the forthcoming BrihanMumbai Municipal Corporation (BMC) elections independently is being viewed as an attempt to reclaim its ideological space among the public and restore credibility within its cadre, senior leaders indicated. The announcement - made by AICC General Secretary Ramesh Chennithala alongside state president Harshwardhan Sapkal and Mumbai Congress chief Varsha Gaikwad - did not trigger a backlash from the Maharashtra Vikas Aghadi (MVA) partners, the Nationalist Congress Party (SP) and Shiv Sena (UBT). According to Congress insiders, the move is the outcome of more than a year of intense internal consultations following the party’ dismal performance in the 2024 Assembly elections, belying huge expectations. A broad consensus reportedly emerged that the party should chart a “lone-wolf” course to safeguard the core ideals of Congress, turning140-years-old, next month. State and Mumbai-level Congress leaders, speaking off the record, said that although the party gained momentum in the 2019 Assembly and 2024 Lok Sabha elections, it was frequently constrained by alliance compulsions. Several MVA partners, they claimed, remained unyielding on larger ideological and political issues. “The Congress had to compromise repeatedly and soften its position, but endured it as part of ‘alliance dharma’. Others did not reciprocate in the same spirit. They made unilateral announcements and declared candidates or policies without consensus,” a senior state leader remarked. Avoid liabilities He added that some alliance-backed candidates later proved to be liabilities. Many either lost narrowly or, even after winning with the support of Congress workers, defected to Mahayuti constituents - the Bharatiya Janata Party, Shiv Sena, or the Nationalist Congress Party. “More than five dozen such desertions have taken place so far, which is unethical, backstabbing the voters and a waste of all our efforts,” he rued. A Mumbai office-bearer elaborated that in certain constituencies, Congress workers effectively propelled weak allied candidates through the campaign. “Our assessment is that post-split, some partners have alienated their grassroots base, especially in the mofussil regions. They increasingly rely on Congress workers. This is causing disillusionment among our cadre, who see deserving leaders being sidelined and organisational growth stagnating,” he said. Chennithala’s declaration on Saturday was unambiguous: “We will contest all 227 seats independently in the BMC polls. This is the demand of our leaders and workers - to go alone in the civic elections.” Gaikwad added that the Congress is a “cultured and respectable party” that cannot ally with just anyone—a subtle reference to the Maharashtra Navnirman Sena (MNS), which had earlier targeted North Indians and other communities and is now bidding for an electoral arrangement with the SS(UBT). Both state and city leaders reiterated that barring the BMC elections - where the Congress will take the ‘ekla chalo’ route - the MVA alliance remains intact. This is despite the sharp criticism recently levelled at the Congress by senior SS(UBT) leader Ambadas Danve following the Bihar results. “We are confident that secular-minded voters will support the Congress' fight against the BJP-RSS in local body elections. We welcome backing from like-minded parties and hope to finalize understandings with some soon,” a state functionary hinted. Meanwhile, Chennithala’s firm stance has triggered speculation in political circles about whether the Congress’ informal ‘black-sheep' policy vis-a-vis certain parties will extend beyond the BMC polls.

Desperate Depths

Pakistan’s reckless airstrikes in Afghanistan betray its growing insecurity as India’s quiet courtship of the Taliban exposes the bankruptcy of Islamabad’s old Afghan policy.

 

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For decades, Pakistan fancied itself as the gatekeeper of Afghanistan - a self-styled ‘strategic depth’ against India and an indispensable interlocutor for the West. But as Pakistani jets thundered over Kabul on Thursday night, targeting the Tehreek-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP), it was not strength but desperation that echoed in the skies. The timing of the assault coincided with Taliban foreign minister Amir Khan Muttaqi’s maiden visit to India. It revealed how thoroughly Pakistan’s Afghan policy has unravelled, leaving Islamabad encircled by the very monsters it once midwifed.

 

Reports suggest the strikes were aimed at killing Noor Wali Mehsud, the TTP chief who has led the group since 2018. Mehsud, who cast Pakistan’s post-9/11 alliance with America as an act of apostasy, has since become Islamabad’s most implacable foe. The TTP’s relentless attacks, like the ambush on October 8 that killed 11 Pakistani soldiers, have transformed Pakistan’s western frontier into a bleeding wound. For years, Islamabad sheltered the Afghan Taliban even as it hunted the Pakistani version of the same movement. That schizophrenic policy has come home to roost.

 

Dangerous escalation

The airstrikes mark a dangerous escalation in what has become an undeclared border war. Afghanistan’s Taliban rulers, long regarded as Pakistan’s ideological protégés, now accuse their former patrons of violating sovereignty and aiding the Islamic State Khorasan Province (ISKP), a mutual enemy.

 

Pakistan’s defence minister, Khawaja Asif, thundered in parliament that Islamabad was “paying the price of sixty years of hospitality to six million Afghan refugees with our blood.” The rhetoric conveniently omits who invited the serpent into the tent. Since the 1980s, Pakistan’s generals have used Islamist militancy as a tool of foreign policy. The Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI) cultivated the mujahideen to fight the Soviets, later midwifed the Taliban, and turned a blind eye to al-Qaeda fugitives. It also engineered jihadist outfits against India, from Lashkar-e-Taiba to Jaish-e-Mohammed. The state became so entangled in the jihadist web that it could neither dismantle it nor escape from it.

 

The Taliban’s victory in 2021 briefly seemed to vindicate Pakistan’s long game. As American troops withdrew in disarray, Islamabad celebrated the return of its clients to Kabul. But the rejoicing was short-lived. The Taliban, now masters of their own house, proved unwilling to act as Pakistan’s proxies. They refused to curb the TTP or hand over its leaders. Instead, they asserted Afghan independence in rhetoric and diplomacy, most notably by courting India. That is the deeper sting in Islamabad’s latest tantrum.

 

Strategic overture

Muttaqi’s visit to New Delhi this week, where he met Foreign Minister S. Jaishankar and National Security Adviser Ajit Doval, marks the highest-level contact between India and the Taliban since 2021. India, which lost billions in infrastructure projects after the fall of the previous Afghan government, has moved cautiously by offering humanitarian aid, reopening a technical mission in Kabul and quietly exploring security cooperation. The Taliban’s condemnation of a recent terror attack in Pahalgam, which killed 26 people, further signals a pragmatic recalibration. In this new diplomatic choreography, Pakistan is the odd man out.

 

Islamabad’s strategic paranoia is understandable but self-inflicted. For years, it viewed Afghanistan not as a neighbour but as a backyard to be controlled through pliant rulers and extremist proxies. That imperial delusion is now collapsing under its own contradictions.

 

Domestically, Pakistan is in disarray as its economy teeters on bankruptcy and its frontier regions seethe with insurgency.

 

The fallout of the airstrikes bombing will not be contained by borders. Afghanistan may retaliate through proxies or by loosening restraints on the TTP. That could drag both countries deeper into a cycle of insurgency and reprisal, with civilians as the inevitable victims.

 

The irony is bitter but deserved. For decades, Pakistan believed it could manipulate jihadists, control Afghanistan and outmanoeuvre India. Today it is reaping the whirlwind of its own duplicity.

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