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By:

Rajendra Joshi

3 December 2024 at 3:50:26 am

Procurement first, infrastructure later

Procurement at multiples of market price; equipment before infrastructure; no accountability Kolhapur: Maharashtra’s Medical Education and Public Health Departments have been on an aggressive drive to expand public healthcare infrastructure. Daily announcements of new centres, advanced equipment and expanded services have reassured citizens long denied dependable public healthcare. Procurement of medical equipment, medicines and surgical supplies is reportedly being undertaken at rates two to...

Procurement first, infrastructure later

Procurement at multiples of market price; equipment before infrastructure; no accountability Kolhapur: Maharashtra’s Medical Education and Public Health Departments have been on an aggressive drive to expand public healthcare infrastructure. Daily announcements of new centres, advanced equipment and expanded services have reassured citizens long denied dependable public healthcare. Procurement of medical equipment, medicines and surgical supplies is reportedly being undertaken at rates two to ten times higher than prevailing market prices. Basic economics dictates that bulk government procurement ought to secure better rates than private buyers, not worse. During the Covid-19 pandemic, equipment and consumables were procured at five to ten times the market rate, with government audit reports formally flagging these irregularities. Yet accountability has remained elusive. The pattern is illustrated vividly in Kolhapur. The Dean of Rajarshi Shahu Government Medical College announced that a PET scan machine worth Rs 35 crore would soon be installed at Chhatrapati Pramilaraje (CPR) Government Hospital for cancer diagnosis. But a comparable machine is available in the market for around Rs 6.5 crore. A senior cancer surgeon at a major cancer hospital in western Maharashtra, where a similar machine was recently installed, remarked that the gap between what his hospital paid and what the government is reportedly paying was enough to make one ‘feel dizzy’. The label of a ‘turnkey project’ does not adequately explain a price differential of this magnitude. High Costs CPR Hospital recently had a state-of-the-art IVF centre approved at a sanctioned cost of Rs 7.20 crore. Senior fertility specialists across Maharashtra note that even a modern IVF centre with advanced reproductive technology equipment typically costs between Rs 2.5 crore and Rs 3 crore. The state’s outlay is reportedly approaching Rs 15 crore. Equipment arrived in June 2025 and lay idle for months owing to indecision about the site. Similarly, digital X-ray machines approved for CPR Hospital and a government hospital in Nanded; available in the market for roughly Rs 1.5 crore; were reportedly procured at Rs 9.98 crore per unit. Doctors in CPR’s radiology department, apprehensive about being drawn into potential inquiries, reportedly resisted accepting the equipment. One departmental head was transferred amid disagreements over signing off on the proposal. What’s Wrong These cases point to a deeper structural failure: Maharashtra has perfected what might be called the ‘equipment first, infrastructure later’ model. In any public hospital, the administrative sequence ought to be: identify space, create infrastructure, sanction specialist posts, and only then procure equipment. Compounding the procurement paradox is a parallel policy decision. On 20 December 2025, the state government decided to introduce radiology diagnostic services through a Public-Private Partnership model (PPP). Following this, an order issued on 6 February 2026 authorised private operators to provide PET scan, MRI and CT scan services at six government medical college hospitals: in Pune, Kolhapur, Miraj, Sangli, Mumbai and Baramati. CPR already has a 126-slice CT scan machine and a 3 Tesla MRI scanner, with another CT scan proposed. If the PPP arrangement proceeds, the hospital could simultaneously run one PET scan machine, two MRI scanners and three CT scan machines. Medical experts warn this could lead to unnecessary diagnostic testing simply to keep machines occupied, thus exposing patients to excess radiation while government-owned equipment gathers dust. A similar pattern was seen during the pandemic, when the Medical Education Department spent hundreds of crores on RT-PCR machines, only to award swab-testing contracts to a private company. Many of those machines remain unused today.

‘Diamond Prince’

Updated: Jan 13, 2025

Amid internal tensions and generational divides, Abhishek Banerjee is testing his mettle as Mamata Banerjee’s heir apparent.

Diamond Prince
West Bengal

Abhishek Banerjee, nephew of Trinamool Congress (TMC) supremo and West Bengal Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee, has emerged as a formidable force for some time now. At 37, the three-time Member of Parliament from Diamond Harbour is not only the de facto number two in the party but also a leader with an ambitious vision for Bengal’s future.


His recent public health campaign, Sebaashray, epitomizes his focus on grassroots outreach. Over seven days, this initiative purportedly delivered healthcare to over 100,000 people in Diamond Harbour, underscoring his intent to craft a distinct ‘Diamond Harbour model’ of governance. Whether it is old-age pensions for the constituency’s elderly or his COVID-era interventions, Abhishek’s approach reflects a blend of charisma and meticulous planning. Yet, his growing influence has also exposed rifts within the TMC, raising questions about its future leadership and unity.


Abhishek’s success in Diamond Harbour, which he won with a thumping margin of over 700,000 votes in 2024, bolstered his credentials as a mass leader. However, his lack of administrative experience remains a sticking point. Unlike his aunt, who rose through the ranks as a grassroots organizer before taking the reins of the state, Abhishek’s political career is tethered to his familial ties. Calls for his inclusion in the state government have been met with resistance, both from Mamata herself and the old guard of the party, who view him as a disruptor of the status quo.


His push for a ‘retirement age’ in politics—a subtle jab at the TMC’s aging stalwarts—has only deepened these fissures. Mamata, who has always been wary of ceding control, had unequivocally declared herself to be “the final word” at a party meeting late last year, stifling any speculation of a transition of power. This intra-party tension underscores a generational battle, with the old guard clinging to their positions while younger leaders led by Abhishek advocate professionalizing the party.


Diamond Harbour has become Abhishek’s proving ground, a microcosm of his governance philosophy. His emphasis on efficiency, accountability, and outreach contrasts starkly with the broader TMC governance model, which critics argue suffers from bureaucratic inertia and corruption. This disparity has not gone unnoticed by the opposition, who argue that Abhishek’s initiatives inadvertently expose flaws in Mamata’s state-wide policies.


Moreover, Abhishek’s liberal stance on contentious issues, such as his defence of citizens’ right to protest during the RG Kar Medical College controversy, had earned him plaudits from moderates but alienated party hardliners.


Despite public denials, whispers of a rift between Abhishek and Mamata have grown louder. His abrupt “short hiatus” from party activities in mid-2024 where he cited allegedly pressing medical reasons had come on the heels of appointments to key party positions that sidelined his recommendations. These included the elevation of veterans like Sudip Bandyopadhyay, a leader Abhishek reportedly sought to retire.


His opposition to fielding controversial candidates—many of whom defected from the BJP or were tainted by scandals—further underscores the ideological and strategic differences between the two leaders.


The TMC’s reliance on Mamata’s charisma remains its greatest strength—and its Achilles’ heel. While Abhishek’s initiatives, including the recent Nabo Jowar campaign, have invigorated the party, they have yet to cement his status as an indispensable leader. His efforts to professionalize the TMC’s structure and appeal to Bengal’s youth resonate with a section of the electorate, but risk alienating the old guard who thrive under Mamata’s personality-driven style of politics.


For now, Abhishek remains a prince without a crown, his ambitions tempered by the towering presence of his aunt. Yet his experiments in Diamond Harbour, combined with his growing national profile, suggest that he is not merely content to be the TMC’s heir apparent. That said, he will need to convince Bengal that he can step out of Mamata’s shadow and lead the state into a new era.

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