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By:

Bharati Dubey

17 May 2026 at 1:38:10 am

Raja Shivaji sparks a new era for Marathi cinema

Mumbai: As Raja Shivaji marches steadily towards the Rs 100 crore mark, the film has reignited debate around the future of the Marathi film industry. Having already crossed Rs 80 crore at the Indian box office, the historical drama is now only the second Marathi film after Sairat to achieve the milestone. Its success has raised a larger question within the trade: can a major blockbuster finally attract sustained investment into Marathi cinema, an industry often marked by cycles of growth and...

Raja Shivaji sparks a new era for Marathi cinema

Mumbai: As Raja Shivaji marches steadily towards the Rs 100 crore mark, the film has reignited debate around the future of the Marathi film industry. Having already crossed Rs 80 crore at the Indian box office, the historical drama is now only the second Marathi film after Sairat to achieve the milestone. Its success has raised a larger question within the trade: can a major blockbuster finally attract sustained investment into Marathi cinema, an industry often marked by cycles of growth and slowdown? Much of the buzz surrounding the film stems from the support it received from prominent Hindi film stars, several of whom reportedly came on board to back the project and the industry. Trade analyst Girish Wankhede believes the film’s biggest achievement lies in the scale of collaboration it represents. “The real strength of Raja Shivaji lies in its creative ensemble star cast, which Riteish Deshmukh successfully brought together. By roping in heavyweight Hindi stars like Abhishek Bachchan, Sanjay Dutt, and Salman Khan, the film showcases the immense combined value of cross-industry collaboration. This strong gesture of Hindi cinema’s biggest names extending full support to a Marathi project has created a powerful impression, generating tremendous curiosity and respect for Marathi cinema among audiences, investors, and other industries. It underscores how Marathi films can now command pan-Indian attention and star power,” he says. At the same time, Wankhede feels it may still be premature to call the film a runaway commercial success given its production scale and costs. “What is heartening is the visible new energy and creative fuel that Riteish Deshmukh has infused into Marathi cinema. With him at the helm of affairs, the film looks strong and polished, and this momentum, further amplified by the star support, is already drawing serious attention from investors who were earlier hesitant about the regional space,” he adds. Producer Suniel Wadhwa, Co-Founder and Director of Karmic Films, says the film’s performance could play an important role in rebuilding investor confidence in theatrical cinema. “The success of Raja Shivaji could significantly improve investor confidence in theatrical cinema, especially at a time when many non-film investors have become cautious about the sector. If the film succeeds as a large-scale theatrical event rather than just an opening weekend phenomenon, it will reinforce the belief that culturally rooted Indian stories still possess massive commercial potential across regions and demographics,” he says. However, Wadhwa points out that the industry continues to face deep structural challenges. “One of the biggest is the shortage of true theatrical stars who can create urgency for audiences to step into cinemas. Streaming has created visibility, but not necessarily ticket-selling mythology. At the same time, India remains heavily under-screened, and even strong films often struggle with inadequate show slots, limited showcasing windows, and overcrowded release calendars. Many films today are judged within the first 48–72 hours, leaving little room for organic word-of-mouth growth,” he says. According to him, the theatrical business is evolving rather than disappearing. “Audiences are now reserving cinema outings for event-driven experiences — spectacle, emotion, mythology, action, horror-comedy, and culturally resonant storytelling. Films that can create that collective viewing urgency will continue to attract both audiences and serious investment capital,” he adds. The Marathi film industry has witnessed a mixed year so far. More than two dozen films have released, but only a handful — including Raja Shivaji, Kranti Vidyalay Marathi Madhyam, Aga Aga Sunbai Mahnatay Sasubai, and Super Duper — have performed strongly at the box office. Veteran journalist Dilip Thakur believes Marathi cinema has already begun regaining momentum after the slowdown caused by the pandemic. “New Marathi films are getting launched regularly. The upcoming film Bapya had its screening at Sunny Super Sound, which was attended by non-Marathi journalists in big numbers. The story of Bapya is complex and difficult to make. The point here is that a producer agreed to put his money into the film. Sabar Bonda was another difficult subject which won an award at Sundance. So, producers willing to invest money in such subjects is one positive sign,” he says. Thakur also points to the continued appetite for mainstream Marathi entertainers. “The boom after Sairat still exists in Marathi cinema. There was a setback for four years because of Covid, but the industry has gained momentum. Ravi Jadhav’s new film Fulawara, based on tamasha folk art, will soon go on floors in Pune,” he says. He further notes that Marathi cinema is increasingly attracting investors from outside the industry. “Most Marathi films have non-Marathi investors. They are putting in money because there is business in Marathi cinema. But not every film becomes a hit. Subhash Ghai also produced a few Marathi films. If the subject is good, people are willing to invest,” he adds. Not everyone, however, is convinced that one major hit can alter the industry’s fortunes overnight. Nitin Datar, president of the Cinema Owners Association, remains cautious about reading too much into the film’s success. “Only one film success is not going to bring investors. In the last five years, out of nearly 500 films produced, the success rate has not been encouraging,” he says. Datar acknowledges that the presence of Hindi stars has helped boost the film’s commercial appeal but stresses that Marathi cinema still lacks enough bankable stars capable of consistently drawing audiences to theatres. “The production houses and directors have attracted audiences. Unfortunately, producers haven’t been successful in attracting financial assistance, which has resulted in low production and advertising budgets. But if films succeed in pulling audiences over the weekend, exhibitors automatically increase shows and reduce screenings of underperforming films from other languages. The audience is always there, waiting to visit theatres in large numbers for a good film,” he says. For now, Raja Shivaji has undeniably given Marathi cinema a strong moment in the spotlight. Whether that momentum translates into long-term financial confidence and sustained industry growth remains the larger question.

Dissanayake’s Landslide and What it Means for India

Updated: Nov 18, 2024

Dissanayake’s

In a decisive victory that surprised few, Sri Lanka’s National People’s Power (NPP) party, led by President Anura Kumara Dissanayake, achieved a landslide win in the country’s parliamentary snap elections on Friday. According to the Sri Lankan Election Commission, the leftist coalition secured 123 of the 225 seats in the Assembly, a resounding endorsement of Dissanayake’s call for a re-election. This success, coming just months after Dissanayake’s presidential victory in November, solidifies his position as the leader of a new political era in Sri Lanka, characterized by his promise to break from the country’s long-standing dynastic politics and corruption.


Dissanayake’s victory ends the Rajapaksa family’s political dominance, following a financial crisis triggered by Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s mismanagement. His anti-corruption and economic reform platform resonated with a public disillusioned by the Rajapaksas’ corruption and ties to China. His win signals a broader shift in Sri Lanka’s governance, foreign policy, and economic direction.


The Rajapaksa family’s dominance in Sri Lankan politics dates back to the 1940s, when D. A. Rajapaksa, a prominent southern politician, first entered the public sphere. Over time, the family grew into one of the wealthiest and most powerful political dynasties in the country. Mahinda Rajapaksa, Gotabaya’s brother, served as president from 2005 to 2015, overseeing the final years of Sri Lanka’s brutal civil war and the defeat of the Tamil Tigers (LTTE). Despite his popularity for ending the civil war, Mahinda’s time in office saw a significant expansion of Sri Lanka’s debt, much of it tied to infrastructure projects that critics argue were both wasteful and mismanaged.


Gotabaya Rajapaksa, who succeeded Mahinda as president in 2019, inherited this legacy of cronyism, compounded by a series of policy blunders that led to the country’s economic collapse. Sri Lanka’s increasing reliance on Chinese loans for massive infrastructure projects like the controversial Hambantota port, leased to a Chinese firm, was seen as a threat to India’s strategic interests. The Rajapaksas’ cozy relationship with Beijing, combined with their domestic mismanagement, led to widespread discontent, culminating in mass protests in 2022, dubbed ‘Aragalaya’ (the People’s Struggle).


After Gotabaya’s ousting and exile in July 2022, Ranil Wickremasinghe became president but failed to distance himself from the Rajapaksas or restore economic stability, weakening public trust. Dissanayake, a vocal critic of the Rajapaksas, emerged as the opposition leader, gaining prominence with his reformist, anti-corruption platform and pragmatic approach, which resonated with a wide electorate.


Born into humble beginnings in 1968 in Galewela, a small town in central Sri Lanka, Anura Kumara Dissanayake’s journey into politics was shaped by his early experiences with social inequality and injustice. His father was an agricultural worker who later joined the Surveyor’s Department, and young Dissanayake was acutely aware of the disparities between the wealthy elite and the working class. His political activism began during his university days, when he joined the Socialist Students Union (SSU), a left-wing student group aligned with the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP), a Marxist-Leninist party.


Dissanayake’s rise within the JVP was meteoric. He quickly became involved in the party’s central leadership and served as its National Organizer, later joining the JVP’s Politburo. The JVP, founded in 1965, has a tumultuous history, marked by violent uprisings in 1971 and 1987-89, which saw thousands of youth activists killed or ‘disappeared.’ Dissanayake, however, distanced himself from the more radical elements of the party, instead focusing on building grassroots support among the country’s poor and disenfranchised.


Dissanayake was elected to Parliament in 2000 and served in various roles, including Minister of Agriculture, Livestock, Land, and Irrigation from 2004 to 2005, focusing on rural development and poverty alleviation. Over time, he developed a political philosophy centered on resource redistribution, transparency and dismantling corrupt political dynasties. His leadership of the JVP from 2014 further cemented his influence in Sri Lanka’s political landscape.


Dissanayake’s presidential campaign in 2019, although unsuccessful, marked a significant turning point in his political career. He secured third place, but his message of clean governance and national renewal resonated with a growing number of voters disillusioned with the political status quo. His presidential victory now is testament to his sustained efforts to reach out to both the urban educated population and the rural poor by promising to rebuild Sri Lanka on the foundations of justice, transparency and accountability.


Dissanayake’s administration faces enormous challenges. The economic crisis that triggered mass protests in 2022 is far from over. Sri Lanka’s foreign debt remains crippling, and inflation continues to soar, exacerbating food and fuel shortages. The country’s reliance on imports, coupled with a lack of foreign exchange reserves, leaves it vulnerable to further economic shocks. While the International Monetary Fund (IMF) has provided a bailout package, the country needs a comprehensive economic strategy that goes beyond short-term stabilization.


Dissanayake has vowed to prioritize economic reforms, focusing on fiscal discipline, reducing corruption, and attracting foreign investment. His administration is likely to seek further support from international partners, including India, which has already provided significant assistance to Sri Lanka during the crisis. Since 2020, India has extended more than USD 3.8 billion in aid, including a line of credit for petroleum imports, a currency swap to bolster Sri Lanka’s foreign reserves, and export credit facilities for essential commodities.


Dissanayake’s political strategy is also likely to include a focus on social welfare, education, and healthcare, sectors that have been neglected under previous administrations. His appeal to the youth, the unemployed, and the rural poor is likely to continue as he pushes for reforms that benefit those who have been left behind by the old political elites.


India has long viewed Sri Lanka as a vital partner in the region, not just for economic reasons but also for strategic considerations. Sri Lanka’s location in the Indian Ocean, along key maritime trade routes, makes it an important player in India’s security calculus.


Under the Rajapaksas, Sri Lanka’s growing ties with China were a source of concern for India. China’s investments in infrastructure projects, particularly in the Hambantota port, were seen as a direct challenge to India’s influence in the region. However, Dissanayake’s rise offers an opportunity for India to reset its relations with Sri Lanka, particularly if the new government moves away from China’s economic and strategic orbit.


Dissanayake has expressed interest in balancing Sri Lanka’s relationships with both India and China, but his focus on economic reforms and anti-corruption will likely mean a reassessment of the Rajapaksas’ policies. India’s strategic concerns over Sri Lanka’s proximity to China, especially in the context of maritime security, are likely to feature prominently in any future diplomatic engagement.


India has expressed its readiness to support Dissanayake’s government, having already provided significant aid during the crisis. The two countries share strong historical and cultural ties, particularly through Buddhism, and have collaborated on initiatives like restoring Buddhist heritage sites and promoting Buddhist tourism. This shared heritage lays a solid foundation for strengthening ties under Dissanayake’s leadership.


For India, Dissanayake’s presidency presents both opportunities and risks. By engaging with Sri Lanka strategically, India can help ensure that the island nation emerges from its crisis in a way that strengthens regional stability and fosters deeper cooperation between the two neighbours.


As Dissanayake begins his presidency, Sri Lanka faces an uncertain future, but it also holds the promise of change. The country’s recovery will require patience, pragmatism, and bold leadership - a challenge that Dissanayake is poised to meet. For India, the road ahead will be one of cautious optimism, as it navigates the evolving dynamics of the region and seeks to maintain its influence over the strategic island off its southern coast.

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