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By:

Abhijit Mulye

21 August 2024 at 11:29:11 am

The Unequal Cousins

Raj Thackeray’s ‘sacrifice’ saved Shiv Sena (UBT) but sank the MNS Mumbai: In the volatile theatre of Maharashtra politics, the long-awaited reunion of the Thackeray cousins on the campaign trail was supposed to be the masterstroke that reclaimed Mumbai. The results of the Brihanmumbai Municipal Corporation (BMC) elections, however, tell a story of tragic asymmetry. While the alliance has successfully helped the Shiv Sena (UBT) stem the saffron tide and regain lost ground, it has left Raj...

The Unequal Cousins

Raj Thackeray’s ‘sacrifice’ saved Shiv Sena (UBT) but sank the MNS Mumbai: In the volatile theatre of Maharashtra politics, the long-awaited reunion of the Thackeray cousins on the campaign trail was supposed to be the masterstroke that reclaimed Mumbai. The results of the Brihanmumbai Municipal Corporation (BMC) elections, however, tell a story of tragic asymmetry. While the alliance has successfully helped the Shiv Sena (UBT) stem the saffron tide and regain lost ground, it has left Raj Thackeray’s Maharashtra Navnirman Sena (MNS) staring at an existential crisis. The final tally reveals a brutal reality for the MNS - Raj Thackeray played the role of the savior for his cousin, but in the process, he may have become the sole loser of the 2026 mandate. The worse part is that the Shiv Sena (UBT) is reluctant to accept this and is blaming Raj for the poor performance of his party leading to the defeat. A granular analysis of the ward-wise voting patterns exposes the fundamental flaw in this tactical alliance. The vote transfer, the holy grail of any coalition, operated strictly on a one-way street. Data suggests that the traditional MNS voter—often young, aggressive, and driven by regional pride—heeded Raj Thackeray’s call and transferred their votes to Shiv Sena (UBT) candidates in wards where the MNS did not contest. This consolidation was critical in helping the UBT hold its fortresses against the BJP's "Infra Man" juggernaut. However, the favor was not returned. In seats allocated to the MNS, the traditional Shiv Sena (UBT) voter appeared hesitant to back the "Engine" (MNS symbol). Whether due to lingering historical bitterness or a lack of instructions from the local UBT leadership, the "Torch" (UBT symbol) voters did not gravitate toward Raj’s candidates. The result? The UBT survived, while the MNS candidates were left stranded. ‘Second Fiddle’ Perhaps the most poignant aspect of this election was the shift in the personal dynamic between the Thackeray brothers. Decades ago, they parted ways over a bitter dispute regarding who would control the party helm. Raj, refusing to work under Uddhav, formed the MNS to chart his own path. Yet, in 2026, the wheel seems to have come full circle. By agreeing to contest a considerably lower number of seats and focusing his energy on the broader alliance narrative, Raj Thackeray tacitly accepted the role of "second fiddle." It was a pragmatic gamble to save the "Thackeray" brand from total erasure by the BJP-Shinde combine. While the brand survived, it is Uddhav who holds the equity, while Raj has been left with the debt. Charisma as a Charity Throughout the campaign, Raj Thackeray’s rallies were, as always, electric. His fiery oratory and charismatic presence drew massive crowds, a sharp contrast to the more somber tone of the UBT leadership. Ironically, this charisma served as a force multiplier not for his own party, but for his cousin’s. Raj acted as the star campaigner who energised the anti-BJP vote bank. He successfully articulated the anger against the "Delhi-centric" politics he accuses the BJP of fostering. But when the dust settled, the seats were won by UBT candidates who rode the wave Raj helped create. The MNS chief provided the wind for the sails, but the ship that docked in the BMC was captained by Uddhav. ‘Marathi Asmita’ Stung by the results and the realisation of the unequal exchange, Raj Thackeray took to social media shortly after the counting concluded. In an emotive post, he avoided blaming the alliance partner but instead pivoted back to his ideological roots. Urging his followers to "stick to the issue of Marathi Manoos and Marathi Asmita (pride)," Raj signaled a retreat to the core identity politics that birthed the MNS. It was a somber appeal, stripped of the bravado of the campaign, hinting at a leader who knows he must now rebuild from the rubble. The 2026 BMC election will be remembered as the moment Raj Thackeray proved he could be a kingmaker, even if it meant crowning the rival he once despised. He provided the timely help that allowed the Shiv Sena (UBT) to live to fight another day. But in the ruthless arithmetic of democracy, where moral victories count for little, the MNS stands isolated—a party that gave everything to the alliance and received nothing in return. Ironically, there are people within the UBT who still don’t want to accept this and on the contrary blame Raj Thackeray for dismal performance of the MNS, which they argue, derailed the UBT arithmetic. They state that had the MNS performed any better, the results would have been much better for the UBT.

Down the memory lane

Centenarian recalls his days with Ambedkar

Chhatrapati Sambhajingar: As the country gears up to celebrate Dr Babasaheb Ambedkar's 134th birth anniversary, a centenarian from Chhatrapati Sambhajinagar who once gave up a steady job with the railways to briefly serve the Dalit leader, shares how that experience continues to define his life.


Despite age catching up on him, 103-year-old Laxman Khotkar still remembers, with vivid detail, the six to seven years he spent serving the architect of the Constitution in newly independent India.


In 1948, Khotkar was employed as a gate watchman with Nizam's State Railways when he got an opportunity to work at the Subhedari Circuit Guest House, where Ambedkar stayed intermittently during the construction of Milind College, which he founded in Chhatrapati Sambhajinagar. "I was posted with the Railways in Shernapur (a railway gate north of Chhatrapati Sambhajinagar). I found out that Babasaheb was building a college, and I left the railway job in a heartbeat and came to the college site, requesting the contractor, Appasaheb Gaikwad and one Mr Warale to hire me," he says.


Khotkar says he took on the job of a watchman and handyman for Rs 1.5 per day just out of his love and admiration for Ambedkar.


"I earned Rs 15 per month in my railway job. However, I was paid Rs 1.5 a day at the college. There was no guarantee of work every day, and the income wasn't steady. My family was small, and in those days, 16 kg of jowar cost Rs 1, which was enough for us."


Khotkar says he took care of Ambedkar's daily routine and needs during his visits to the city.


"I would be informed of Babasaheb's visits beforehand and would take care of everything for him during his stay," he says with pride.


Ambedkar was a considerate and caring man, Khotkar says.


"Babasaheb would always ask us if we had had our meals and even asked his driver Maruti and me to have breakfast with him."


Khotkar recalls that Ambedkar was a workaholic and would work late into the night and be up by 5 am. "Once, I left for duty at the guesthouse without having my meal. My wife arrived at the gate carrying my infant son and waited for me patiently with food. Babasaheb spotted her and jokingly asked if she thought her husband would be starved at work," Khotkar says.

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