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Correspondent

23 August 2024 at 4:29:04 pm

Deadly Commute

Mumbai has always taken pride in its local trains, which have been celebrated as the city’s lifeline. It has long been a democratic institution that carries millionaires and labourers alike, and a symbol of the resilience that Mumbaikars so often boast about. The brutal murder of a 22-year-old passenger inside a moving local has exposed a darker reality. The city’s most cherished public service is no longer merely overcrowded and uncomfortable but is becoming steadily unsafe. The victim,...

Deadly Commute

Mumbai has always taken pride in its local trains, which have been celebrated as the city’s lifeline. It has long been a democratic institution that carries millionaires and labourers alike, and a symbol of the resilience that Mumbaikars so often boast about. The brutal murder of a 22-year-old passenger inside a moving local has exposed a darker reality. The city’s most cherished public service is no longer merely overcrowded and uncomfortable but is becoming steadily unsafe. The victim, travelling in a first-class compartment of a Churchgate-Nallasopara fast local, became embroiled in an argument over whether the train door should be kept open during heavy rain. The disagreement escalated into fatal violence after the accused pulled out a knife and stabbed him in the abdomen. As blood pooled on the floor of the compartment, passengers merely stood there watched in horror. A video of the aftermath showed the alleged killer walking away with the weapon in hand without anybody stopping him. For years, a rough but effective social order prevailed in the Mumbai local train. While commuters may have jostled for space and exchanged harsh words, there remained an unwritten code of conduct for keeping outright criminality at bay. Mumbai’s trains have long been dangerous in one sense. Every year, hundreds die while crossing tracks, hanging from footboards or falling from overcrowded coaches. But passengers rarely feared being murdered inside the compartment itself. S Even more troubling was the reaction of those present. The footage suggests that dozens of passengers chose self-preservation over intervention. While few citizens would willingly confront an armed attacker, the images nonetheless reveal a growing atomisation of urban life. Millions travel together every day, but increasingly as strangers who feel no responsibility towards one another. Mumbai’s famed collective spirit has now become a slogan repeated only after disasters rather than a reality visible in everyday life. The authorities, too, have questions to answer. How did an individual carrying a knife manage to board and travel through one of the busiest suburban rail networks in the world? Why does visible security remain so sparse despite years of promises about surveillance, modernisation and passenger safety? The Railways have invested heavily in technology, announcements and infrastructure upgrades. Yet commuters continue to encounter inadequate policing and an absence of deterrence. The larger concern is cultural. Across India’s cities, there is evidence of rising public aggression. Minor disagreements increasingly escalate into violence. Road-rage incidents, neighbourhood disputes and social-media-fuelled confrontations frequently end in bloodshed. Patience, compromise and restraint appear to be in retreat. Mumbai likes to imagine itself as different from the rest of India. The local train murder suggests otherwise. A city is judged not by its skyline but by the safety of its ordinary spaces. When passengers can no longer assume that they will return home alive from a routine train journey, something fundamental has gone wrong.

Fading 'Red Wave': From Dominance to Decline

New Delhi: India's Left parties have drifted so far from ground realities that they now appear reduced to instruments in the hands of other political blocs, which were once seen as champions of the working class. Their failure to translate communist ideology into a practical, development-oriented agenda stands exposed. In the years following independence, the Left held 27 seats in Parliament and over the past 75 years, that number has dwindled to just eight. From governing three states at their peak, they now find themselves out of power across the country.

 

In Kerala, the Communist Party of India (Marxist), or CPI(M), has been pushed into the role of the opposition after a decisive electoral defeat, while in West Bengal and Tripura, it has been relegated to the margins. Allegations of corruption and a perceived politics of minority appeasement have weakened its base in Kerala, even as the Bharatiya Janata Party's growing presence in the state has dealt it a significant blow. Viewed from a broader historical lens, the Left in India has arguably lost more than it has gained over the past century.

 

The current condition of Left parties is so diminished that even the centenary of the Communist Party of India (CPI) passed with little national attention. A few months ago, Left parties, along with trade unions, called for a nationwide strike against the policies of Prime Minister Narendra Modi's government. Yet, its impact remained largely confined to Kerala. In contrast, similar calls during the 1980s and 1990s resonated across states such as Uttar Pradesh, Bihar, West Bengal, Maharashtra, and Punjab. Had the CPI adapted its strategies to India's democratic framework, social diversity, and grassroots realities, it might not be facing such an existential crisis today.

 

Ideological Contradictions

Strategic missteps, a lack of understanding of Indian society, and accusations of excessive minority appeasement have pushed both CPI and CPI(M) to the fringes. Increasingly, segments of the public perceive their ideology as contradictory, at once associated with past violence and selective political positioning. In West Bengal and Tripura, Left Front governments have been completely displaced. In West Bengal, early CPI(M) leadership under Jyoti Basu gained popularity through land reforms, poverty alleviation, and curbing Naxal violence. However, over time, factionalism, reliance on strongmen, club culture and allegations of encouraging illegal immigration for electoral gains eroded public trust. Concerns raised later by Chief Minister Buddhadeb Bhattacharjee over infiltration led to a shift in voter loyalties, benefiting rival parties TMC. The CPI(M), once dominant, has since seen its legislative presence shrink dramatically.

 

In Kerala, the Left faced mounting controversies, including corruption allegations and questions over its handling of radical organizations. The political landscape shifted as minority and centrist voters gravitated toward the Congress-led United Democratic Front (UDF). In the 2024 general elections, the Congress-led alliance secured a sweeping victory in the state, and the subsequent assembly election reinforced this trend, with voters decisively transferring power to the UDF.

 

A deeper ideological contradiction further complicates the Left's position. Globally, communist regimes have historically rejected religious influence, yet in India, Left parties are often accused by critics of accommodating religious identity politics. Internationally, communist states like China have faced scrutiny for their treatment of religious minorities, while in India, Left parties have opposed certain counterterror measures, arguing they disproportionately affect minorities. This divergence between global communist practices and local political strategies has fueled accusations of inconsistency.

 

Moreover, while communist ideology traditionally opposes class divisions, critics argue that in India, Left parties have engaged in caste-based political mobilization under the banner of social justice. This has, in turn, strengthened regional parties rooted in caste and identity politics, further diminishing the Left's electoral relevance.

 

Ignoring Mao's Advice: Deepening Fault Lines

In 1967, several Naxalite leaders, including Kanu Sanyal, met Mao Zedong, the Chairman of the Communist Party of China. Mao advised them to forget what they had learned abroad and tailor their approach to India's unique conditions. Unfortunately, India's fragmented Left ignored this counsel. As early as 1964, ideological divisions had split the CPI, leading to the formation of the CPI(M). This schism was driven less by domestic concerns and more by internal disagreements over pro-China leanings.

 

History records that in 1967, Naxalites who broke away from the CPI raised slogans such as "China's Chairman is our Chairman" and "Power flows from the barrel of a gun." This violent movement later splintered into multiple factions. Over decades, attempts to establish a "Red Corridor" stretching from Nepal through Bihar and West Bengal to Andhra Pradesh led to the deaths of thousands, including civilians, security personnel, and insurgents.

 

These extremists overlooked key differences that while Euro-Asian communists seized power through violent revolutions against monarchies, and China's Communist Party fought a brutal civil war against the Kuomintang before establishing control in 1949, India emerged as a democratic republic in 1947. Its system has steadily empowered marginalised communities like Dalits, OBCs, the poor, and women through constitutional reforms, but making violent revolution both impractical and unjustifiable.

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