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By:

Bhalchandra Chorghade

11 August 2025 at 7:24:18 pm

CIDCO struggles to find takers for its homes

Mumbai: The City and Industrial Development Corporation’s (CIDCO) latest housing scheme has exposed a recurring challenge for the planning authority: finding buyers for its large housing inventory despite its affordable-housing focus. The August 2026 scheme offered 4,793 homes in Taloja, Kharghar and Kalamboli and received 4,180 confirmed applications before bookings closed on September 3. While CIDCO described the response as strong, 613 homes—nearly 13 per cent of the inventory—had no...

CIDCO struggles to find takers for its homes

Mumbai: The City and Industrial Development Corporation’s (CIDCO) latest housing scheme has exposed a recurring challenge for the planning authority: finding buyers for its large housing inventory despite its affordable-housing focus. The August 2026 scheme offered 4,793 homes in Taloja, Kharghar and Kalamboli and received 4,180 confirmed applications before bookings closed on September 3. While CIDCO described the response as strong, 613 homes—nearly 13 per cent of the inventory—had no confirmed applicant. This follows earlier schemes with similar gaps. In January 2025, CIDCO’s ‘My Preferred Home’ scheme, offering around 26,000 homes across Navi Mumbai, attracted 1.36 lakh initial applications. However, only about 55,000 applicants paid the registration fee and around 22,000 deposited the required earnest money, leaving serious participation below the number of homes offered. A CAG-linked report on two CIDCO housing schemes in Kharghar found that, of 4,814 saleable tenements, allotment letters had been issued to 3,733 applicants and possession handed over to 3,317. Four years after the draw, 1,081 tenements remained unsold. CIDCO has also faced scrutiny over marketing expenditure. In 2023, reports questioned the appointment of private agencies to market and allot PMAY homes, stating that the agencies had received advances of more than Rs 100 crore before sales took place. CIDCO officials said external support was necessary given the scale of the programme. The scale of investment adds to the concern. CIDCO’s mass-housing programme envisaged 68,515 homes at an estimated cost of around Rs 15,300 crore. A 2024 report noted that thousands of completed homes were awaiting sale, locking up capital and increasing the authority’s financial burden. The latest homes are located in Taloja Sector 39, Kalamboli Bus Depot and Kharghar Bus Depot. Taloja accounts for 4,229 homes, followed by 257 in Kalamboli and 293 in Kharghar. Indicative prices range from around Rs 23.50 lakh in Taloja to Rs 37.70 lakh in Kalamboli and Rs 43.50 lakh in Kharghar. The figures point to a possible mismatch between what CIDCO considers affordable and what its target buyers can finance. Industry experts have noted that EWS homes priced at Rs 25 lakh or more may be difficult for households within the prescribed income ceiling, particularly after registration, stamp duty, floor-rise charges and other costs. Location may also influence demand. Taloja has seen rapid development and improved connectivity, including metro access, but buyers continue to weigh its distance from established employment centres and social infrastructure, as well as commuting costs. CIDCO maintains that its housing programme meets a genuine need in Navi Mumbai. Ashwin Mudgal, Vice Chairman and Managing Director, CIDCO, said, “The overwhelming response to the housing scheme reflects the aspirations of citizens to own a home in Navi Mumbai and their continued confidence in CIDCO’s planned development initiatives. CIDCO remains committed to providing affordable and quality housing opportunities in well-planned locations, enabling citizens to benefit from the region’s growing infrastructure and connectivity.” The authority has also highlighted the Pradhan Mantri Awas Yojana-Urban (PMAY-U) subsidy, under which eligible beneficiaries can receive Rs 2.5 lakh, subject to applicable guidelines and eligibility criteria. However, the repeated unsold inventory suggests that CIDCO’s challenge extends beyond construction. Pricing, apartment configurations, location, payment flexibility and connectivity may need to be reassessed before further public resources are committed.

Festival Fiasco

Sheer neglect of procedure and muddled leadership have done more harm to IFFK than any act of censorship.

Kerala
Kerala

The International Film Festival of Kerala (IFFK) has long prided itself on being India’s most politically alert cinephile gathering and a place where serious cinema, global causes and robust debate intersect. This year, however, the 30th edition of the IFFK turned into a cautionary tale about how administrative laxity, dressed up as ideological resistance, can corrode credibility faster than any act of censorship.


At the heart of the controversy is the Union government’s initial denial of censorship exemption to 19 films slated for screening at the festival, including a clutch of Palestinian titles and even Sergei Eisenstein’s centenarian classic Battleship Potemkin. Four films were later cleared. However, protests followed and political denunciations came thick and fast. Kerala’s Chief Minister, Pinarayi Vijayan, stepped in with a directive that all scheduled films be screened. To many in the festival’s faithful audience, it looked like a familiar morality play - an overbearing Centre throttling artistic freedom, resisted heroically by a defiant state. But that tidy narrative is now fraying.


Deepika Suseelan, artistic director of IFFK as recently as 2022, has punctured the balloon with an inconvenient reminder: censorship exemptions are governed less by ideology than by paperwork. And paperwork, she suggests, was precisely where the organisers failed. Exemption, she notes, is not granted on the fly. It requires applications to be submitted at least a month in advance. For a December festival, that means early November. The exemption order itself is typically expected a fortnight before the festival opens.


This year, according to her, the Kerala State Chalachitra Academy (KSCA), which runs IFFK, submitted its application perilously late, only this month. The Ministry of Information and Broadcasting, she says, cited this delay as the sole reason for denial. If so, outrage directed at Delhi may be theatrics misdirected. Public grandstanding after administrative negligence as Suseelan tartly put it, is not a substitute for institutional discipline.


Others from within Kerala’s film fraternity echo that assessment. Filmmaker Dr Biju, a frequent IFFK participant and former jury member, has asked the most basic question: why were films scheduled at all without securing mandatory permissions? No serious international festival does that. To do so is to gamble the festival’s integrity on hope and to invite precisely the sort of last-minute chaos now unfolding.


Compounding the problem is a leadership vacuum. For the first time in its three-decade history, IFFK is being held without either an artistic director or the visible presence of its chairman. Resul Pookutty, the Oscar-winning sound designer who currently heads the KSCA, is abroad on prior commitments. Former chairman Kamal and others have noted that such an absence is institutionally indefensible.


The result is a credibility crisis that extends beyond this year’s screenings. Suseelan warns that mishandling the exemption process now could invite tighter scrutiny and stricter controls in future editions, complicating submissions, discouraging international participation and narrowing curatorial freedom. The damage, she suggests, will not be easy to undo.


There is also the question of intent. Choosing ‘Palestine 36’ as the opening film, which has been criticised by some as overtly one-sided political messaging, has fuelled perceptions that confrontation was not merely accidental.


The Modi government has adopted a calibrated West Asia policy, maintaining historic support for Palestinian welfare while deepening strategic ties with Israel. That balance has served India’s diplomatic and security interests well. Against this backdrop, it is neither unreasonable nor sinister for the Centre to expect strict procedural compliance before granting exemptions, especially when films are framed not merely as art but as political statements.


Kerala’s Chief Minister eventually directed that all films be screened, effectively converting a procedural lapse into a political showdown.


This may have played well to the gallery, but it sets a reckless precedent. If IFFK wishes to remain a serious festival rather than a performative one, it must relearn a basic truth: institutional credibility is built on process. When that collapses, no amount of righteous anger can fill the void.

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