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By:

Abhijit Mulye

21 August 2024 at 11:29:11 am

Gadchiroli SP declares Maoist menace ‘almost over’

Mumbai: In a resounding statement signalling a historic shift, Gadchiroli Superintendent of Police (SP) Neelotpal has declared the district, once the dark heart of the ‘Red Corridor,’ is on the verge of becoming completely free of the Naxal menace. The SP expressed absolute confidence in the complete eradication of the banned CPI (Maoist) presence, noting that the remaining cadres have dwindled to a mere handful. “There has been a sea change in the situation,” SP Neelotpal stated,...

Gadchiroli SP declares Maoist menace ‘almost over’

Mumbai: In a resounding statement signalling a historic shift, Gadchiroli Superintendent of Police (SP) Neelotpal has declared the district, once the dark heart of the ‘Red Corridor,’ is on the verge of becoming completely free of the Naxal menace. The SP expressed absolute confidence in the complete eradication of the banned CPI (Maoist) presence, noting that the remaining cadres have dwindled to a mere handful. “There has been a sea change in the situation,” SP Neelotpal stated, highlighting the dramatic turnaround. He revealed that from approximately 100 Maoist cadres on record in January 2024, the number has plummeted to barely 10 individuals whose movements are now confined to a very small pocket of the Bhamragad sub-division in South Gadchiroli, near the Chhattisgarh border. “North Gadchiroli is now free of Maoism. The Maoists have to surrender and join the mainstream or face police action... there is no other option.” The SP attributes this success to a meticulously executed multi-pronged strategy encompassing intensified anti-Maoist operations, a robust Civic Action Programme, and the effective utilisation of Maharashtra’s attractive surrender-cum-rehabilitation policy. The Gadchiroli Police, especially the elite C-60 commandos, have achieved significant operational milestones. In the last three years alone, they have neutralised 43 hardcore Maoists and achieved a 100 per cent success rate in operations without police casualties for nearly five years. SP Neelotpal highlighted that the security forces have aggressively moved to close the “security vacuum,” which was once an estimated 3,000 square kilometres of unpoliced territory used by Maoists for training and transit. The establishment of eight new police camps/Forward Operating Bases (FoBs) since January 2023, including in the remote Abujhmad foothills, has been crucial in securing these areas permanently. Winning Hearts, Minds The Civic Action Programme has been deemed a “game changer” by the SP. Through schemes like ‘Police Dadalora Khidaki’ and ‘Project Udaan’, the police have transformed remote outposts into service delivery centres, providing essential government services and employment opportunities. This sustained outreach has successfully countered Maoist propaganda and, most critically, resulted in zero Maoist recruitment from Gadchiroli for the last few years. Surrender Wave The state’s progressive rehabilitation policy has seen a massive influx of surrenders. “One sentiment is common among all the surrendered cadres: that the movement has ended, it has lost public support, and without public support, no movement can sustain,” the SP noted. The surrender of key figures, notably that of Mallojula Venugopal Rao alias ‘Bhupathi,’ a CPI (Maoist) Politburo member, and his wife Sangeeta, was a “landmark development” that triggered a surrender wave. Since June 2024, over 126 Maoists have surrendered. The rehabilitation program offers land, housing under the Pradhan Mantri Awas Yojana, and employment. Surrendered cadres are receiving skill training and are successfully transitioning into normal life, with around 70 already employed in the local Lloyds plant. A District Reborn The transformation of Gadchiroli is now moving beyond security concerns. With the decline of extremism, the district is rapidly moving towards development and normalcy. The implementation of development schemes, round-the-clock electricity, water supply, mobile towers, and new infrastructure like roads and bridges is being given top priority. He concludes that the police’s focus is now shifting from an anti-Maoist offensive to routine law-and-order policing, addressing new challenges like industrialisation, theft, and traffic management. With the Maoist movement in “complete disarray” and major strongholds like the Maharashtra-Madhya Pradesh-Chhattisgarh (MMC) Special Zone collapsing, the SP is highly optimistic. Gadchiroli is not just getting rid of the Naxal menace; it is embracing its future as a developing, peaceful district, well on track to meet the central government’s goal of eradicating Naxalism by March 31, 2026.

From Jail to Top Seat

Updated: Dec 2, 2024

harkhand Mukti Morcha

In the hinterlands of Jharkhand, where dense forests meet rich coal seams, Hemant Soren has forged a political career defined by adversity and resilience - a testament to which was his remarkable comeback in leading the Jharkhand Mukti Morcha (JMM)-led Mahagathbandhan coalition to victory in the recent state assembly elections.


The poll results were testament also to the steadfast loyalty 49-year-old Soren commands of the tribal communities of his state. Soren’s most recent political resurrection reads almost like a myth. Arrested earlier this year in a money-laundering case tied to an alleged land scam, he spent weeks in judicial custody at Ranchi’s Birsa Munda Central Jail. His detractors, led by the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), seized the moment, framing him as emblematic of a corrupt political elite. Yet, as the dust settled from a bruising electoral battle, it was Soren who emerged victorious, leading the Mahagathbandhan to a commanding win, vanquishing a BJP campaign bolstered by national heavyweights like Himanta Biswa Sarma and Shivraj Singh Chouhan.


In the days following his release on bail, Soren had hit the campaign trail with a singular focus. His wife, Kalpana, had already taken up the reins during his absence, rallying voters with a narrative of victimhood and resistance. Together, they turned Soren’s incarceration into a rallying cry against what they framed as the BJP’s ‘divide and rule’ strategy.


The BJP’s campaign, focused heavily on the issue of Bangladeshi infiltration, failed to resonate with the state’s tribal heartland. Rhetoric about “mini-Bangladeshs” in regions like Santhal Pargana only deepened suspicions of a communal agenda, one that Soren skilfully countered with appeals to Jharkhand’s indigenous identity.


Soren’s political trajectory has never been straightforward. Born in Nemra, a village near Hazaribagh, in 1975, he was raised in the shadow of his father, Shibu Soren, a towering figure in Jharkhand’s political history and the face of the movement for statehood.


Hemant, initially an unlikely heir, was thrust into leadership after the untimely death of his elder brother Durga in 2009. His ascent to the top of the JMM, and eventually to the Chief Minister’s office in 2013, was marked by both opportunity and tumult—a fractured coalition with the BJP, a brief stint in opposition, and a pivotal return to power in 2019.


Over the years, Soren has cultivated an image as a protector of Jharkhand’s tribal rights. His opposition to the BJP’s attempts to amend laws protecting tribal land in 2016 cemented his status as a champion for his community. It is a narrative he has leaned on heavily, portraying himself as a defender of Jharkhand’s Adivasis against external exploitation.


Soren’s tenure as Chief Minister has been a mix of welfare-oriented policies and battles with the central government. His administration has expanded pensions, waived loans for over 1.75 lakh farmers, and launched schemes to bring government services directly to remote villages. At the same time, he has not hesitated to criticize the BJP-led central government, accusing it of extracting Jharkhand’s resources without fair compensation.


But Soren’s path has been fraught with challenges. Internal dissent within the JMM surfaced when his sister-in-law, Sita Soren, defected to the BJP earlier this year, reportedly after being sidelined in favour of Kalpana. Allegations of impropriety—most notably a mining lease controversy in 2022—have repeatedly tested his political survival skills.


Still, for all the controversies, Soren remains a figure of enduring appeal among Jharkhand’s tribal population. His earthy demeanour and focus on social welfare have cultivated a deep connection with his constituents. Over the past months, he and Kalpana addressed hundreds of rallies, casting the election as a referendum not just on his governance but on the soul of Jharkhand itself.


As he takes office for another term, Soren’s political legacy is far from settled and his battles with the BJP and federal agencies are likely far from over. Yet, in a state where the ground is both rich with coal and riven with fault lines, his ability to endure against odds both legal and political has cemented his place as one of Jharkhand’s most consequential leaders.

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