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By:

Quaid Najmi

4 January 2025 at 3:26:24 pm

Maulana’s 'gullak' initiative touches 60K students

Read & Lead Foundation President Maulana Abdul Qayyum Mirza with daughter Mariyam Mirza. Mumbai/Chhatrapati Sambhajinagar: In the new age controlled by smart-gadgets and social media, an academic from Chhatrapati Sambhajinagar has sparked a small, head-turning and successful - ‘savings and reading’ revolution among middle-school children. Launched in 2006, by Maulana Abdul Qayyum Mirza, the humble initiative turns 20 this year and witnessed over 60,000 free savings boxes (gullaks)...

Maulana’s 'gullak' initiative touches 60K students

Read & Lead Foundation President Maulana Abdul Qayyum Mirza with daughter Mariyam Mirza. Mumbai/Chhatrapati Sambhajinagar: In the new age controlled by smart-gadgets and social media, an academic from Chhatrapati Sambhajinagar has sparked a small, head-turning and successful - ‘savings and reading’ revolution among middle-school children. Launched in 2006, by Maulana Abdul Qayyum Mirza, the humble initiative turns 20 this year and witnessed over 60,000 free savings boxes (gullaks) distributed to Class V-VIII students in 52 government and private schools. “The aim was to inculcate a love for ‘saving and reading’ among young children. We started by presenting small plastic ‘gullaks’ (savings boxes) at the Iqra Boys & Girls High School, and later to many other schools,” Mirza said with a tinge of satisfaction. Scoffed by sceptics, it soon caught the eyes of the schools and parents who loved the idea that kept the kids off mischief, but gave them the joy of quietly slipping Re. 1 or even Rs. 5 save from their daily pocket money into the ‘gullak’. “That tiny ‘gullak’ costing barely Rs 3-Rs 5, becomes almost like their personal tiny bank which they guard fiercely and nobody dares touch it. At the right time they spend the accumulated savings to buy books of their choice – with no questions asked. Isn’t it better than wasting it on toys or sweets or amusement,” chuckled Mirza. A childhood bookworm himself, Mirza, now 50, remembers how he dipped into his school’s ‘Book Box’ to avail books of his choice and read them along with the regular syllabus. “Reading became my passion, not shared by many then or even now… Sadly, in the current era, reading and saving are dying habits. I am trying to revive them for the good of the people and country,” Maulana Mirza told The Perfect Voice. After graduation, Mirza was jobless for sometime, and decided to make his passion as a profession – he took books in a barter deal from the renowned Nagpur philanthropist, Padma Bhushan Maulana Abdul Karim Parekh, lugged them on a bicycle to hawk outside mosques and dargahs. He not only sold the entire stock worth Rs 3000 quickly, but asked astonished Parekh for more – and that set the ball rolling in a big way, ultimately emboldening him to launch the NGO, ‘Read & Lead Foundation’ (2018). “However, despite severe resources and manpower crunch, we try to cater to the maximum number of students, even outside the district,” smiled Mirza. The RLF is also supported by his daughter Mariyam Mirza’s Covid-19 pandemic scheme, ‘Mohalla Library Movement’ that catapulted to global fame, and yesterday (Oct. 20), the BBC telecast a program featuring her. The father-daughter duo urged children to shun mobiles, video-games, television or social media and make ‘books as their best friends’, which would always help in life, as they aim to gift 1-lakh students with ‘gullaks’ in the next couple of years. At varied intervals Mirza organizes small school book fairs where the excited kids troop in, their pockets bulging with their own savings, and they proudly purchase books of their choice in Marathi, English, Hindi or Urdu to satiate their intellectual hunger. Fortunately, the teachers and parents support the kids’ ‘responsible spending’, for they no longer waste hours before screens but attentively flip pages of their favourite books, as Mirza and others solicit support for the cause from UNICEF, UNESCO, and global NGOs/Foundations. RLF’s real-life savers: Readers UNICEF’s Jharkhand District Coordinator and ex-TISS alumnus Abul Hasan Ali is full of gratitude for the ‘gullak’ habit he inculcated years ago, while Naregaon Municipal High School students Lakhan Devdas (Class 6) and Sania Youssef (Class 8) say they happily saved most of their pocket or festival money to splurge on their favourite books...! Zilla Parishad Girls Primary School (Aurangpura) teacher Jyoti Pawar said the RLF has proved to be a “simple, heartwarming yet effective way” to habituate kids to both reading and savings at a tender age, while a parent Krishna Shinde said it has “changed the whole attitude of children”. “We encourage books of general interest only, including inspiring stories of youth icons like Nobel laureate Malala Yousafzai (28) and environmentalist Greta Thunberg (23) which fascinates our students, and other popular children’s literature,” smiled Mirza. The Maulana’s RLF, which has opened three dozen libraries in 7 years, acknowledges that every coin dropped into the small savings boxes begins a new chapter – and turns into an investment in knowledge that keeps growing.

Greater Andaman Nicobar Project: India’s Strategic Necessity, Not Ecological Folly

Part 1: The Centre’s Greater Andaman Nicobar project seeks to bolster maritime security and economic growth in the Indo-Pacific. However, its critics are masking their opposition to it as ‘environmental concern.’ Our two-part series examines the controversy.

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As India seeks to assert itself as a global power, few initiatives illustrate the collision between strategic ambition and domestic dissent more sharply than the Greater Andaman Nicobar Integrated Development Project (GANIDP). Announced with great fanfare by the Narendra Modi government, this Rs. 72,000-crore venture aims to transform the Andaman and Nicobar Islands into a regional economic and military linchpin. Its proponents envision a sprawling transshipment port, an international airport, a power plant and a modern township, turning the archipelago into India’s equivalent of Hong Kong.


Yet the Opposition, using rhetoric couched in the language of ecological and tribal preservation, has turned the project into a political flashpoint. The project’s strategic rationale is unambiguous. Situated astride key maritime routes in the Indo-Pacific, the Andaman-Nicobar chain holds the potential to reinforce India’s naval reach, particularly in an era of rising Chinese assertiveness. As Beijing expands its military footprint across the region, India sees the need to counterbalance China’s presence at Coco Island - a strategically placed Chinese base in Myanmar that was acquired by them due to a diplomatic oversight by Jawaharlal Nehru’s government in the 1950s.


If left unchecked, China’s hold on Coco Island risks threatening India’s control over the critical Malacca Strait, through which a substantial portion of India’s trade passes.


Despite this, the Opposition and a clutch of environmental activists have seized upon the project as emblematic of reckless development. Congress leader Sonia Gandhi described the project in a national daily as “an ecological disaster,” warning of its potential to uproot tribal communities and push unique species such as the Andaman-Nicobar long-tailed macaque and sea turtles toward extinction. The Opposition’s rhetoric is potent given that the image of vulnerable tribes and fragile ecosystems under siege resonates deeply in India’s public discourse.


Inconvenient truths

But this narrative fails to reckon with inconvenient facts. The Jarawa tribe, often held up as the most endangered by the project, has not only survived but grown in number. From a meagre 380 individuals during the UPA regime, their population now stands at 647, according to the latest estimates. Rather than representing an existential threat, the current government has rigorously enforced the 2004 ‘Minimal Interference Policy’, clamping down on illegal tourism, hunting, and exploitation of tribal women. The data suggest a conservation success story rather than ecological catastrophe.


Similarly, India’s broader wildlife record tells a more nuanced story. Elephants and tigers - symbols of India’s biodiversity - are all experiencing population rebounds. From 27,000 elephants in 2014 to nearly 30,000 in 2025, and tigers rising from 2,226 to 3,682 over the same period, these statistics belie the narrative of Modi-era environmental negligence as alleged by a certain group of environmentalists. Such numbers indicate that India is capable of pursuing economic development without sacrificing ecological stewardship.


Moreover, historical perspective reveals a clear double standard in the outcry over the Andamans. In the 1980s and ’90s, activist Medha Patkar led the Narmada Bachao Andolan against the Sardar Sarovar Dam, decrying it as an environmental and humanitarian tragedy. For years, the project stalled, depriving millions of arid farmers in Gujarat of irrigation and drinking water. Only in 2000 did the Supreme Court allow the dam’s height to increase, unleashing long-delayed progress.


Retrospective evaluation suggests that the movement was politically manipulated to slow India’s growth. The current opposition bears striking similarity. Several NGOs opposing the Andaman project reportedly received foreign funding before India’s tightened restrictions on external financial support in 2014. Since then, many such organisations have gone silent, either shuttering operations or refocusing their efforts abroad. The obvious question that arises is whether these actors truly motivated by environmental preservation, or is this part of a broader political strategy to stymie India’s development trajectory?


Victimhood narrative

Sonia Gandhi’s focus on tribal displacement evokes a familiar narrative of sanctity and victimhood. But if developmental displacement was overlooked when farmlands gave way to New Delhi’s urban sprawl (where once jackals roamed, now high-rises dominate) why treat Andaman tribes as uniquely sacrosanct? The inconvenient truth is that no industrial or urban project proceeds without displacement. The central issue is not whether land will be taken, but whether the affected communities are treated with dignity and offered adequate compensation - a standard that should apply universally.


Environmental activists and Western publications alike have jumped on the bandwagon, casting the project as part of Modi’s alleged ‘war’ against the environment. But why has there been little outrage when China expanded its military footprint on Coco Island, home to similarly rare flora and fauna? The silence on this issue is telling. If biodiversity were truly the primary concern, activists would have raised the alarm decades ago when China began militarizing the island. Instead, their focus is selective, surfacing now, when India dares to assert its own security interests.


Beyond the politics, the economic case for the Greater Andaman Nicobar Project is compelling.


The Indo-Pacific is the fastest-growing economic region globally, with trillions of dollars in trade transiting through its waters. India’s ability to establish a transshipment hub in the Andamans would not only reduce reliance on foreign ports but also enhance the nation’s connectivity with Southeast Asia and beyond. With the world’s supply chains becoming more fragmented, the strategic value of a secure, modern port cannot be overstated.


Moreover, the power plant and airport components are designed to overcome the islands’ long-standing infrastructural bottlenecks, catalysing local employment, boosting regional economic output, and improving living standards. The modern township would aim to provide not only accommodation for workers but also critical public amenities, setting a precedent for sustainable island urbanisation.


That said, the Modi government has not ignored the environmental component. Comprehensive impact assessments, adherence to strict regulations under the Andaman & Nicobar Islands (Protection of Aboriginal Tribes) Regulation, and explicit commitments to the ‘Minimal Interference Policy’ all form part of the project’s official blueprint. These measures seek to strike a balance between development and conservation, although opponents prefer to see only the risks, not the safeguards.


Ultimately, the Greater Andaman Nicobar Project is not an ecological sin, as critics insist, nor a luxury vanity project. It is a strategic shield designed to safeguard India’s sovereignty, secure vital trade routes, and project influence in the increasingly contested Indo-Pacific region. Far from being a symbol of reckless ambition, it reflects a nuanced, carefully calibrated strategy to achieve economic growth, security, and ecological balance in parallel.


The opposition, when examined closely, reveals itself less as a defence of environmental or tribal welfare and more as political doublespeak in their fervent attempt to weaponize sentiment against development. As the great Hindi poet Ramdhari Singh Dinkar once poignantly observed, “The battle is not over, the sin lies not only with the aggressor. Those who stand neutral, shall also be judged by time as guilty.”


India’s vision for the Andaman-Nicobar archipelago is about sovereignty and security. To oppose it in the name of the environment while ignoring strategic threats and the lessons of history is not just myopic but downright dishonest.

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