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By:

Akhilesh Sinha

25 June 2025 at 2:53:54 pm

Bihar’s verdict and the politics of precision

From Amit Shah’s silent calculus to the steady hands of Modi and Nitish, the NDA’s unity became its greatest campaign message. Union Minister and LJP (Ram Vilas) chief Chirag Paswan being garlanded by the party's winning MLAs during a press conference in Patna on Saturday. Pic: PTI Bihar’s recent election results tell a story much larger than the numbers on the scoreboard. The NDA’s historic mandate is, in many ways, a reflection of the state’s evolving political consciousness, and notably...

Bihar’s verdict and the politics of precision

From Amit Shah’s silent calculus to the steady hands of Modi and Nitish, the NDA’s unity became its greatest campaign message. Union Minister and LJP (Ram Vilas) chief Chirag Paswan being garlanded by the party's winning MLAs during a press conference in Patna on Saturday. Pic: PTI Bihar’s recent election results tell a story much larger than the numbers on the scoreboard. The NDA’s historic mandate is, in many ways, a reflection of the state’s evolving political consciousness, and notably of the growing influence of women voters who have reshaped the contours of power in the heartland. Their participation added strength and direction to the NDA's sweeping victory, turning the election into a referendum not just on governance, but on trust.  Behind the scenes of this outcome stood three decisive figures Prime Minister Narendra Modi, Chief Minister Nitish Kumar, and Union Home Minister Amit Shah. Modi's mass appeal and Nitish's administrative experience offered the face and foundation of the campaign, but it was Amit Shah's precise, quietly executed strategy that transformed the momentum into victory. For three relentless months, Shah stayed in constant motion-building bridges among alliance partners, listening to restless cadres, and ensuring that the NDA spoke in one unified voice. Personal engagement Seat-sharing, often the source of bitter infighting in any coalition, was handled not through diktats but through dialogue Shah’s personal engagement with the leaders of every constituent party, and his willingness to resolve friction with patient negotiation, became the invisible glue that held the alliance together. In sharp contrast, the Mahagathbandhan seemed to stumble under its own contradictions, unable to project coherence or confidence. Bihar, known for its acute political sensitivity, read this contrast with clarity.  Another of Shah’s quiet masterstrokes was his outreach to disgruntled BJP aspirants who had been left out of ticket distribution. Rather than allowing resentment to fester, he chose engagement over exclusion-meeting them, listening to their concerns, and bringing them back into the fold. This prevented internal fragmentation and projected a disciplined image of the party machinery. A team of leaders including Dharmendra Pradhan, Nityanand Rai, Vinod Tawde and Samrat Choudhary added force to this strategy, ensuring its effective groundwork across regions. The NDA constituent parties also extended full cooperation and Nitish Kumar, in particular, played a key role in establishing coordination.  The NDA’s victory, therefore, is not merely an electoral success but a study in political orchestration-a blend of leadership, timing, and understanding of voter psychology. It captures the mature dynamics of Bihar’s electorate, who responded to cohesion over confusion, steadiness over rhetoric. The alliance now faces its real test which is to translate this trust into governance that deepens development and strengthens faith in democratic accountability. Bihar’s verdict is both a reward and a reminder that strategy wins elections, but sincerity sustains power.

How France Fell So Fast

William L. Shirer’s searing account of the Third Republic’s collapse remains the most readable narrative of France’s humiliation in 1940.


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It took just six weeks for German tanks to shatter French lines in the spring of 1940 during the Second World War. 85 years ago, the Third Republic, which had survived the Great War, mutinies, political scandal and economic depression, crumbled like wet paper under the Wehrmacht’s advance. That sudden collapse has haunted historians ever since.


Few chroniclers have captured the calamity with as much force and insider clarity as William L. Shirer, the American radio correspondent who watched the disaster unfold in real time. His ‘Collapse of the Third Republic’ (1969) is less a conventional history than a sweeping lament for a state that had rotted from within. Though less celebrated than his earlier ‘The Rise and Fall of the Third Reich’ (1960), it is arguably the more tragic and intimate of the two works, vividly recounting the slow suffocation of a democracy.


At over 1,100 pages, the book is vast in scope but intensely human in tone. Shirer’s experience covering the French collapse for CBS News lends the book a rare immediacy. The narrative opens with the political ferment of the Dreyfus Affair in the last decade of the 19th century and builds steadily toward the fatal spring of 1940. Throughout, Shirer offers vivid sketches of the protagonists: Édouard Daladier, cynical and exhausted; Paul Reynaud, noble but paralyzed; Marshal Philippe Pétain, a tragic reactionary more comfortable in the trenches of Verdun than in the corridors of the Élysée.


Among the most compelling threads is Shirer’s treatment of Léon Blum, the Jewish Socialist leader of the Popular Front. Blum is portrayed as a courageous reformer trapped in a whirlwind of ideological rage, virulent anti-Semitism and institutional sabotage. His efforts to humanise capitalism and prepare France for modern war were stymied by a reactionary right, industrial sabotage and a political centre more terrified of Bolshevism than fascism.


Like ‘The Rise and Fall of the Third Reich,’ ‘Collapse’ reads with the fluency of a novel, offering a visceral portrait of confusion, cowardice and elite sclerosis. Shirer blames not just generals and ministers but a whole generation of Frenchmen who, in his view, had lost the will to govern or resist. The press corps, he recalls bitterly, knew more than the generals.


Shirer’s book arrived the same year as Alistair Horne’s ‘To Lose a Battle,’ a more tactical and operational narrative. Whereas Horne charts the chronology of failure with disciplined precision - emphasising how the Wehrmacht’s daring thrust through the Ardennes caught the French off-balance - Shirer is emotionally combustible. Horne’s generals are unlucky or outpaced; Shirer’s are cynical, out-of-touch or complicit. The two books offer complementary pictures: Horne explains how France was beaten, Shirer why it collapsed.


Modern historians have challenged Shirer’s diagnosis of national decay. Julian Jackson in ‘The Fall of France’ (2003) resists the notion that France was suicidal or decadent, attributing the debacle to a toxic combination of poor military doctrine and miscommunication. France, Jackson shows, did not surrender easily; it simply could not comprehend the speed of Blitzkrieg. The myth of a decadent republic, he argues, owes more to the hindsight of defeat than to pre-war reality.


Ernest May, in ‘Strange Victory’ (2000), flips the script entirely. He asks not why France lost, but why Germany won. Drawing on intelligence archives, May reveals that the French were not exactly blind but that the ‘Maginot mentality,’ anchored in the trauma of 1914, proved inadequate for the revolution in mobile warfare that had transpired in the interwar years. May’s conclusion is that France might have held, had its leaders not clung so rigidly to old assumptions.


Still, no modern historian has matched Shirer for accessibility or sheer dramatic urgency. Both door-stoppers – ‘The Rise and Fall of the Third Reich’ and ‘Collapse of the Third Republic’ – are shaped by his belief that democracies are fragile things, undone less by enemies than by internal drift. If ‘Third Reich’ is a chronicle of the rise of authoritarianism, ‘Collapse’ is a study of how liberal states falter when conviction fades.


In today’s age of democratic drift and institutional fatigue, Shirer’s twin warnings still resonate. Democracies are not immune to collapse; they merely believe they are. What France proved in 1940, and what Shirer chronicled with such haunting clarity, is that systems rot slowly, then fall suddenly.

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