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Correspondent

23 August 2024 at 4:29:04 pm

Fractured Crown

Between Siddaramaiah’s grip on power and Shivakumar’s restless ambition, the Karnataka Congress is trapped in a succession spiral. Karnataka Karnataka today has two chief ministers - one by office, the other by expectation. The power tussle between Siddaramaiah and his deputy, D.K. Shivakumar, has slipped so completely into the open that the Congress’s ritual denials sound like political farce. A whispered ‘understanding’ after the 2023 victory that each would get the CM’s post after...

Fractured Crown

Between Siddaramaiah’s grip on power and Shivakumar’s restless ambition, the Karnataka Congress is trapped in a succession spiral. Karnataka Karnataka today has two chief ministers - one by office, the other by expectation. The power tussle between Siddaramaiah and his deputy, D.K. Shivakumar, has slipped so completely into the open that the Congress’s ritual denials sound like political farce. A whispered ‘understanding’ after the 2023 victory that each would get the CM’s post after two-and-a-half years has hardened into a public confrontation between a chief minister determined to finish five years and a deputy increasingly unwilling to wait. The recent breakfast meeting between the two men at Siddaramaiah’s residence was presented as a truce where the ‘high command’ was invoked as the final arbiter. “There are no differences between us,” Siddaramaiah insisted, twice for emphasis. Few were convinced and soon, Shivakumar was again hinting darkly at change. For weeks, Shivakumar’s loyalists have been holding meetings, mobilising legislators and making pilgrimages to Delhi to get the Congress high command to honour its promise. They insist that the Congress leadership agreed to a rotational chief ministership in 2023 and that November 2025 was always meant to mark Shivakumar’s ascent. The high command, for its part, has perfected the art of strategic vagueness by neither confirming nor denying the pact. This suggests that the Congress does not merely hesitate to act against Siddaramaiah, but increasingly lacks the capacity to do so. From the outset of his second innings, Siddaramaiah has given no signal of easing aside. As he approaches January 2026, poised to overtake D. Devaraj Urs as Karnataka’s longest-serving chief minister, the symbolism is unmistakable. The mantle of social justice politics that Urs once embodied now firmly sits on Siddaramaiah’s shoulders. And it is this social coalition that shields him. His fortress is AHINDA - minorities, backward classes and Dalits. Leaked figures from the unreleased caste census suggest that these groups together approach or exceed two-thirds of the state’s population. Lingayats and Vokkaligas, once electorally dominant, are rendered numerical minorities in this arithmetic. Siddaramaiah governs not merely as a Congress leader, but as the putative custodian of Karnataka’s demographic majority. That claim is reinforced through policy. Minority scholarships have been revived, contractor quotas restored, residential schools expanded. More than Rs. 42,000 crore has been earmarked for Scheduled Castes and Tribes. Kurubas, his own community, have been pitched for Scheduled Tribe status, with careful assurances that their elevation will not disadvantage others. DK Shivakumar brings organisational muscle, financial clout and control over the Vokkaliga heartland. In electoral campaigns, these are formidable assets. But in a confrontation with a leader who embodies a 60–70 percent social coalition, they are blunt instruments. The Congress high command understands this equation, even if it publicly pretends otherwise. It also remembers, uneasily, what Siddaramaiah did the last time his authority was constrained. In 2020, when the Congress–JD(S) coalition collapsed after 16 MLAs defected to Mumbai,13 of them hailed from Siddaramaiah’s camp. At the time, he held the post of coordination committee chairman. Instead, he emerged as the principal beneficiary of collapse, returning as Leader of the Opposition with a tighter grip on the party. If the Congress high command could not punish him then, it is doubtful it can coerce him now. Shivakumar’s predicament is thus more tragic than tactical. He is not battling a rival alone, but an entire political structure built to outlast him. The promised coronation looks increasingly like a mirage drifting just ahead of a man condemned to keep walking. For the Congress, the cost of this paralysis is already visible. A government elected on guarantees and governance is consumed by succession. The party’s authority is dissolving while its factions harden. The Congress returned to power in Karnataka after years in the wilderness, only to re-enact the same leadership dysfunction that has crippled it elsewhere. Regardless of whether Siddaramaiah survives this storm, it is becoming increasingly clear that the Congress cannot survive the slow corrosion of its command in one of the few states it holds today.

How Radical Wokeness Derailed Journalism in the 2024 U.S. Election

Updated: Nov 15, 2024

Donald Trump

In the aftermath of Donald Trump’s remarkable victory in the 2024 U.S. presidential election, one might expect the so-called ‘liberals’ and their intellectual champions to exhibit at least a modicum of self-reflection. Yet, instead of engaging with the reality of Trump’s win they have, unsurprisingly, resorted to the absurd, the ridiculous, and the profoundly self-deluding. The rhetoric from many in the progressive camp has shifted from disbelief to outright refusal to confront their own intellectual and moral failings.


Besides common sense, one of the most striking (and disturbing) casualties in the Republican victory has been the vocation of journalism. Respectable and so-called ‘progressive’ outlets like The New York Times, MSNBC and CNN among others have revealed a profound abdication of journalistic integrity.


With fashionably woke anchors like Joy Reid and Rachel Maddow relentlessly spouting their vacuous ‘politically correct’ bilge, the disconnect between East Coast elites and the American electorate was even more mind-boggling than in 2016. Their constant drumbeat of “Trump as existential threat” to democracy and comparisons to Adolf Hitler left little room for thoughtful criticism of the campaign the Democrats were running and of Kamala Harris’ incompetency, and reluctance to field questions seriously.


At MSNBC and CNN, the trend toward partisan hyperbole was even more pronounced. Anchors like Joy Reid embodied the network’s turn from news to activism. Coverage was not about presenting both sides of the story but about demonizing one side to the point where any debate seemed futile. Reid has used her platform not as a journalist but as a political propagandist, the result being that MSNBC ratings are tanking precipitously in the aftermath of Trump’s triumph.


As in 2016, the failure to engage with middle America, compounded by the coastal elite media’s reliance on narrow, metropolitan perspectives, created an echo chamber that insulated journalists from the electorate. The resulting disconnect between the press and the public has severely undermined the trust that is essential for democracy to function.


The New York Times, considered the ‘gold standard of journalism’ in J-schools across the globe including India, has become a sorry example of how ideological capture distorts reporting.


To me, this response evokes uncomfortable historical parallels to the intellectuals and journalists of the Left who, in the 20th century, turned a blind eye to the atrocities committed by the regimes they once celebrated.


One of the most egregious examples in the New York Times’ long history is its role in covering up or downplaying Soviet atrocities under Stalin, especially the Holodomor - a man-made famine in Soviet Ukraine in the early 1930s that led to the deaths of millions. The NYT, under the influence of its Moscow correspondent Walter Duranty, became infamous for its failure to report the truth about the famine, instead whitewashing the Soviet regime’s actions.


Rather than offering an honest portrayal of the horrors unfolding in the Soviet Union, Duranty chose to downplay or outright ignore the mass starvation of Ukrainians during the Holodomor, instead attacking journalists like Gareth Jones who dared to report on the truth. Duranty’s denial of the Holodomor and his repeated misrepresentation of the Soviet regime’s actions despite the overwhelming evidence of mass starvation was a betrayal of the basic tenets of journalism.


This is not to say that Trump’s flaws were irrelevant or should have been ignored. But the media’s singular focus on his personal shortcomings - his rhetoric, his alleged legal issues, his supposed moral lapses - shifted the conversation away from the deeper, more substantive issues affecting the country. A media system that once prided itself on holding power to account became, in effect, a political arm of those opposing Trump. Instead of challenging the status quo, it became an enabler of it.


The rise of ‘cancel culture’ and the enforcement of ideological orthodoxy on social media and newsrooms mean that journalists who stray from the ‘party line’ are going to get punished. In an era where media organizations increasingly rely on digital platforms to fuel their revenue models, this uniformity of thought and style helped reinforce a worldview that was detached from the reality of millions of Americans.


The accusation that Trump’s supporters are fascists, racists, or far-right extremists has become a knee-jerk reaction. But in this narrative, it is liberals who often display an authoritarian streak, a kind of moral absolutism that mirrors the totalitarian certainty once exhibited by Soviet apologists. While they stridently denounce climate change deniers, flat-Earthers and vaccine skeptics, the deeper questions of their own complicity - of why Trump won again, why so many voters flocked to his campaign, and whether progressive elites have misunderstood the needs and desires of vast swathes of the population - remain unanswered.


In Richard Brooks’ gripping 1952 newspaper drama ‘Deadline U.S.A.’, the old-school, no-nonsense editor inimitably played by Humphrey Bogart curbs the zeal of a young reporter by remarking, “We’re not detectives and we’re not in the crusading business!” Today’s crusading ‘journalists’ in the U.S. and elsewhere would do well in heeding this wisdom if they wish to restore the public’s faith in the media.

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