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By:

Abhijit Mulye

21 August 2024 at 11:29:11 am

Shinde dilutes demand

Likely to be content with Deputy Mayor’s post in Mumbai Mumbai: In a decisive shift that redraws the power dynamics of Maharashtra’s urban politics, the standoff over the prestigious Mumbai Mayor’s post has ended with a strategic compromise. Following days of resort politics and intense backroom negotiations, the Eknath Shinde-led Shiv Sena has reportedly diluted its demand for the top job in the Brihanmumbai Municipal Corporation (BMC), settling instead for the Deputy Mayor’s post. This...

Shinde dilutes demand

Likely to be content with Deputy Mayor’s post in Mumbai Mumbai: In a decisive shift that redraws the power dynamics of Maharashtra’s urban politics, the standoff over the prestigious Mumbai Mayor’s post has ended with a strategic compromise. Following days of resort politics and intense backroom negotiations, the Eknath Shinde-led Shiv Sena has reportedly diluted its demand for the top job in the Brihanmumbai Municipal Corporation (BMC), settling instead for the Deputy Mayor’s post. This development, confirmed by high-ranking party insiders, follows the realization that the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) effectively ceded its claims on the Kalyan-Dombivali Municipal Corporation (KDMC) to protect the alliance, facilitating a “Mumbai for BJP, Kalyan for Shinde” power-sharing formula. The compromise marks a complete role reversal between the BJP and the Shiv Sena. Both the political parties were in alliance with each other for over 25 years before 2017 civic polls. Back then the BJP used to get the post of Deputy Mayor while the Shiv Sena always enjoyed the mayor’s position. In 2017 a surging BJP (82 seats) had paused its aggression to support the undivided Shiv Sena (84 seats), preferring to be out of power in the Corporation to keep the saffron alliance intact. Today, the numbers dictate a different reality. In the recently concluded elections BJP emerged as the single largest party in Mumbai with 89 seats, while the Shinde faction secured 29. Although the Shinde faction acted as the “kingmaker”—pushing the alliance past the majority mark of 114—the sheer numerical gap made their claim to the mayor’s post untenable in the long run. KDMC Factor The catalyst for this truce lies 40 kilometers north of Mumbai in Kalyan-Dombivali, a region considered the impregnable fortress of Eknath Shinde and his son, MP Shrikant Shinde. While the BJP performed exceptionally well in KDMC, winning 50 seats compared to the Shinde faction’s 53, the lotter for the reservation of mayor’s post in KDMC turned the tables decisively in favor of Shiv Sena there. In the lottery, the KDMC mayor’ post went to be reserved for the Scheduled Tribe candidate. The BJP doesn’t have any such candidate among elected corporatros in KDMC. This cleared the way for Shiv Sena. Also, the Shiv Sena tied hands with the MNS in the corporation effectively weakening the Shiv Sena (UBT)’s alliance with them. Party insiders suggest that once it became clear the BJP would not pursue the KDMC Mayor’s chair—effectively acknowledging it as Shinde’s fiefdom—he agreed to scale down his demands in the capital. “We have practically no hope of installing a BJP Mayor in Kalyan-Dombivali without shattering the alliance locally,” a Mumbai BJP secretary admitted and added, “Letting the KDMC become Shinde’s home turf is the price for securing the Mumbai Mayor’s bungalow for a BJP corporator for the first time in history.” The formal elections for the Mayoral posts are scheduled for later this month. While the opposition Maharashtra Vikas Aghadi (MVA)—led by the Shiv Sena (UBT)—has vowed to field candidates, the arithmetic heavily favors the ruling alliance. For Eknath Shinde, accepting the Deputy Mayor’s post in Mumbai is a tactical retreat. It allows him to consolidate his power in the MMR belt (Thane and Kalyan) while remaining a partner in Mumbai’s governance. For the BJP, this is a crowning moment; after playing second fiddle in the BMC for decades, they are poised to finally install their own “First Citizen” of Mumbai.

Hypocrisy Chronicles

Updated: Jan 2, 2025

The Congress party’s outrage over perceived slights to Indian democracy and the dignity of its leaders betrays its own fraught history of moral inconsistencies. The latest row stems from the funeral arrangements of former Prime Minister Manmohan Singh, where Congress leaders accused the BJP-led government of ‘insulting’ Singh’s legacy by holding his last rites at Delhi’s Nigambodh Ghat instead of a designated memorial site for national leaders.


While Congress General Secretary Priyanka Gandhi decried the government for its alleged injustice to Singh’s legacy and his proud Sikh community, Rahul Gandhi termed the decision a “total insult.” The Gandhi siblings’ accusations against the BJP only underscores the Congress’s selective amnesia of its treatment of its own leaders.


For the Congress to call foul on the dignity accorded to its former Prime Minister is strikingly ironic when set against its treatment of former PM P.V. Narasimha Rao and former President Pranab Mukherjee - both leaders who, despite towering contributions, were subjected to the ignominy of being downplayed or ignored because they did not align themselves slavishly with the Nehru-Gandhi family’s hold over the party.


Rao’s body was not allowed entry into Congress headquarters allegedly on Sonia Gandhi’s instructions, causing his last rites to be performed in Hyderabad against his family’s wishes. As significant as Manmohan Singh’s contributions to liberalizing India’s economy were, equal credit belongs to Rao, who shepherded the country out of the financial crisis in the early 1990s to lay the groundwork for reform. Yet, Rao faced derision and alienation from his party during his lifetime, particularly in the tumultuous final years of his premiership. The unkindest cut came posthumously. When he passed away in December 2004, the Congress leadership pointedly refused him a state funeral in Delhi. The contrast was stark: Jawaharlal Nehru’s heirs had their mortal remains ceremoniously interred along the Yamuna; Rao, a man who arguably rescued India from the brink of financial collapse, had his body unceremoniously consigned to a cremation site in Hyderabad. The party’s treatment of Rao sent a clear message: fealty to dynastic power, rather than contribution or vision, was the litmus test for institutional reverence.


The Congress’s recent cries of ‘injustice’ over Dr. Singh’s funeral are undercut by its own unresolved legacy of opportunism and double standards. The party’s participation in history’s darkest chapters, including the anti-Sikh riots of 1984 and its political pettiness in marginalizing Rao, have eroded its claim to moral authority.


For all its claims of upholding democratic and institutional values, Congress’s chronic inability to confront the hubris of its own leadership weakens its credibility. It remains a party that demands high standards of others but seems incapable of holding itself to them. Until Congress reconciles with this duality, its self-righteous criticism of the BJP will continue to appear hollow, rendering its accusations against the ruling government less an earnest call for justice than a desperate attempt at reclaiming lost political ground.

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