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By:

Shoumojit Banerjee

27 August 2024 at 9:57:52 am

Edward Pococke and the Lost Theory of an Indian Greece

Long before the ‘Out of India’ theory, a forgotten Victorian orientalist turned the foundations of Western civilization upside down by audaciously making India the cradle of Greece. What if Greece, the pride of Western civilization, the birthplace of Homer, Plato and Aristotle, was actually Hindu in origin? What if the first inhabitants of Hellas had first spoken a form of Sanskrit? What if the Pelasgians, the mysterious people who inhabited Greece before the Greeks themselves, had come from...

Edward Pococke and the Lost Theory of an Indian Greece

Long before the ‘Out of India’ theory, a forgotten Victorian orientalist turned the foundations of Western civilization upside down by audaciously making India the cradle of Greece. What if Greece, the pride of Western civilization, the birthplace of Homer, Plato and Aristotle, was actually Hindu in origin? What if the first inhabitants of Hellas had first spoken a form of Sanskrit? What if the Pelasgians, the mysterious people who inhabited Greece before the Greeks themselves, had come from Bihar? And what if Achilles, the greatest warrior of Homer’s Iliad, sprang from “splendid Rajpoot stock”? No, this is not the fevered dream of a modern-day Indian nationalist but that of a now-forgotten British Orientalist Edward Pococke (not to be confused with his more famous 17th-century namesake), whose 1852 treatise, India in Greece; or, Truth in Mythology proposed a mind-bending and radical revision of antiquity. Pococke’s argument was not merely that India ‘influenced’ Greece. He audaciously proposed that Ancient Greece prior to Hellas had itself been, in large measure, an Indian colony - something forgotten and eventually distorted by Greek and later European scholars. The mid-19th century was a golden age for speculative philology, a period when the discovery of Sanskrit’s structural relationship to European languages intoxicated Western scholars. In the wake of Sir William Jones’s pioneering declarations, the intellectual elite of Europe began to look eastward for the roots of human civilization. Yet, while mainstream Orientalism sought a common ancestral ‘Aryan’ node located somewhere in Central Asia or the Caucasus, independent scholars like Pococke took this thesis to a radical extreme. For Pococke, the gods of Olympus were displaced Indian princes; and the heroes who fought on the windy plains of Troy were clans whose martial exploits were first recorded in the ancient chronicles of Northwestern India. To modern readers, ‘India in Greece’ feels less like a work of scholarship than a lost Jorge Luis Borges story - a veritable labyrinth constructed from etymologies, epics and maps. Pococke’s work is by turns ingenious and audacious. One follows him from Rajasthan to Troy, from Kashmir to Epirus, from the Yamuna to the Cyclades, never quite certain where the next revelation will appear. Viewed through the lens of modern historiography, Pococke’s work is an undeniably fascinating, if wildly exuberant, artifact of colonial-era romanticism. But given that debates between the Out of India Theory (OIT) and the Indo-Aryan Migration/Invasion Theory (AIT) remain fiercely contested markers of cultural identity, India in Greece stands as an early, Western-authored precursor to the idea of India as the ultimate cradle of global civilization. While European Orientalists had looked eastward through Greek eyes, Pococke proposed looking westward through Indian eyes. He begins his treatise with a sweeping, polemical assault on classical Greek historians and geographers, accusing them of an insular attitude that had compromised the foundations of Western knowledge. Achilles in his chariot rides over the body of the slain Hector, by Raffaele Calliano. Very much like the French of his own nineteenth century, the Greeks had made their language the dominant idiom of the civilized world. Because of this cultural hegemony, they possessed little incentive to study foreign tongues or trace the external roots of their own vocabulary. Consequently, when Indian settlers named European features after their eastern homelands, later Greek writers invented creative etymologies to explain these foreign words. To Pococke, the ancient Greeks were fundamentally ignorant of their own pre-history and the true origins of the Pelasgians, the enigmatic pre-Hellenic inhabitants of the Aegean. In his introduction, Pococke declared with a flourish: “The picture is Indian. The curtain is Grecian; and that curtain is now withdrawn.” The sentence was aimed at the celebrated historian George Grote, who had confessed that the realities behind Greek myth were inaccessible to historians. Pococke disagreed. The myths, as far as he was concerned, could indeed be deciphered. He claimed that the Greeks had turned history into mythology because they no longer understood the language of their ancestors. This conviction gave Pococke’s book the character of a detective story. (for much of its length, it indeed resembles one) Pococke fiercely censured the “...confidence of the antiquarians of Greece, who attempted to explain their ancient world through a language that had not yet evolved.” In his view, Greek writers from Homer to Strabo had “unwittingly originated a gigantic system of absurdities and a tissue of tales.” The relationship between Sanskrit and Greek had already fascinated European scholars since the late eighteenth century. Sir William Jones and others had demonstrated affinities between the classical languages of Europe and the ancient language of India. Most scholars accepted that these similarities pointed to some distant ancestral connection. Going much further, Pococke argued that the Greek language was not an autonomous creation but a direct, albeit corrupted, derivation from Sanskrit. If the linguistic bedrock of Greece was Sanskrit, it logically follows that a Sanskrit-speaking people must have settled the region at some point. He further claimed that the Ionic dialect was derived from the Pali forms of Sanskrit while the Doric dialect was a survival of rough northern Sanskrit once spoken near Tibet. The Pelasgian Puzzle Ancient Greek writers frequently described the Pelasgians as the inhabitants of Greece before the arrival of the Hellenes, though their origins were obscure even to the Greeks themselves. In Pococke’s, these Pelasgians were Indians. The ancient province of Pelasa in Bihar became the ancestor of the Pelasgians. Gaya, the sacred city of eastern India, became transformed into Gaia, the Earth Mother of Greek mythology. The son of Gaya became the mythical Pelasgus. But he does not rely solely on linguistic assumptions; he points to the material culture of the Homeric “heroic period” as definitive proof of an Asiatic origin. Pococke observed that the world described in the Iliad and Odyssey seemed strangely different from the Greece of later history. That world was fundamentally “un-European”, bearing instead the distinct hallmarks of ancient Indian civilization. It glittered with gold, possessed magnificent textiles and ivory ornaments and, most crucially, its warriors fought from chariots. Why, Pococke asked, did this world resemble Asia far more than classical Greece? The war chariot particularly fascinated him. By historical times, Greek warfare depended largely upon infantry. Yet in Homer’s epics, its heroes rode into battle in chariots, much as the warriors of the Mahabharata did. For Pococke, this was no coincidence. These were merely the attendant tokens of an Indian colonisation, with its corresponding religion and language. To explain how this civilization arrived, Pococke proposed a vast migration. According to him, at some remote period, India had been convulsed by a colossal struggle, triggering waves of migrants who travelled through Bactria, Persia, Asia Minor and Greece. Toponyms and Dynasties The core of India in Greece lies in its radical exercises in onomastics and toponymy, with the result that Pococke startlingly maps the geography of Northern India directly onto the Peloponnese and the Aegean. According to him, the immense antiquity claimed by Kalhana’s Rajatarangini, stretching back to 2448 BCE, should not be treated with scepticism. He positions it alongside the mid-nineteenth-century discoveries of ancient Assyrian monuments as an equally valid pillar of global antiquity. Concurrently, he challenges the Eurocentric assumption that Indian literacy and historical documentation were late developments in human culture. The oldest of the Vedas, he argues, could never have survived through oral transmission alone and therefore required written preservation from their inception. To seal this geographic link, Pococke turns to Herodotus. ‘The Father of History’ recorded an ancient city in this migratory corridor as ‘Caspatyros.’ Pococke unmasks this classical orthography as a Greek corruption of ‘Caspa-dwaros’ or ‘Casyapur’ - the “City of Casyapa” (after Sage Kashyapa) or “Gateway of Kashmir.” Arjuna in Thessaly Pococke also addresses scepticism toward India’s epic literature, drawing a direct parallel between doubts regarding the historical reality of the Trojan War and contemporary scepticism toward the Mahabharata. He notes that despite the widespread presence of the name Pandu across the subcontinent, mainstream historians continued to dismiss the great Bharata war as a fable. He asserted that from the snowy peaks of Himachal down to Cape Comorin, nearly every regional tribe and nation preserves a local memorial, monument or geographic feature named after the celebrated Pandu race. Citing Col. James Tod’s analysis of Arrian, Pococke further argues that Greek historians accompanying Alexander possessed direct access to the genealogies of the family ruling the Jumna, a branch of which survived centuries after the Mahabharata conflict. Pococke then carries this historical Pandu elite directly into the Mediterranean. Pelagonia, a northern district of Thessaly, becomes a preservation of Phalgoonia, derived from Phalgoonus - one of the sacred names of the warrior-prince Arjuna. One of Pococke’s most provocative deconstructions centres on the identity of the Cyclopes - the gigantic, one-eyed creatures in Greek myth famous for their immense strength. However, scholars struggled to explain both the legendary race and the enormous prehistoric ‘Cyclopean’ walls of Greece based on the Greek language. Some treated the Cyclopes as philosophical archetypes, others as personifications of natural forces, while still others imagined them as miners carrying lamps upon their foreheads. Dismissing these explanations, Pococke contended that when the walls of Mycenae, Argos and Tiryns were built, the Greek language of Homer had not yet emerged. His startling thesis was that ‘Cyclopes’ derived from ‘Cuclopes’, which itself was a corruption of ‘Goclopes.’ This was nothing but the Gokla chiefs of Gokula on the banks of the Jumna. Their name derived from their occupation as cattle-herders. Gokula, of course, is famed in the Indian tradition as the residence of Nanda and the youthful Krishna, the setting for the prince’s encounters with the Gopis. And ‘Cy-cla-des’ was nothing but a corrupt form of ‘Guc-la-des’ or the “land of the Goklas” so named after the homeland of these pastoral immigrants from the Jumna. Pococke argues that Homer himself had unwittingly preserved a fragment of this reality when he portrayed Polyphemus not as a builder or craftsman but as a rugged shepherd. The Rajputs of Troy A brilliant and provocative set-piece of Pococke’s historical reconstruction lay in reshaping the heroic ethos of the Trojan War. He argued that the legendary combatants of the Iliad were nothing but displaced Kshatriya clans of northern and northwestern India. Col. James Tod (1782-1835) Relying on the extensive ethnological data compiled by Colonel James Tod in his classic Annals and Antiquities of Rajasthan (1829–32), Pococke pointed to the Abantes, a warlike tribe mentioned by Homer as fighting with distinction at Troy. While the ancient geographer Strabo had unconvincingly derived their name from the city of Aba in Phocis, Pococke noted that he had failed to explain where Aba itself came from. In yet another stunning claim, Pococke said that the Abantes who fought before Troy were none other than the Rajput tribes of Avanti in Malwa. Pococke argued that the very name of ‘Hellas’ itself derived from Hela, a mountain region in Baluchistan. The Hēlāines were descendants of Rajput sun-worshippers. Thus, the very identity of Greece was rooted in the East. According to Colonel Tod, the Aswas were a prominent branch of the Hindu race closely linked to the Suryavanshi (Solar) dynasty. Their name reflected their celebrity as master horsemen, while a central feature of their religious life was the Aswamedha - the great horse sacrifice. For Pococke, however, the significance of the Aswas extended far beyond the plains of Rajasthan. He saw them as representatives of a vast martial tradition that had once stretched across Eurasia. Endorsing the Scottish antiquarian John Pinkerton’s contention that “a great Scythian nation had once ranged from the Caspian to the Ganges,” Pococke argued that the Rajputs’ devotion to the horse, their solar worship and their celebration of the Aswamedha found striking echoes among the Scythian and Saka tribes of antiquity. To him, these were surviving traces of an ancient warrior culture whose migrations had carried its customs across continents and left their imprint upon the history of both Asia and Europe. Pococke also cited Tacitus’s observations of ancient Germanic tribes practising rigorous morning ablutions, wearing flowing robes and tying their hair in a distinctive top-knot - customs he regarded as vestiges of an eastern ancestry. The deeply rooted devotion that the Rajput warrior directed toward his weapons provided another point of comparison. Pococke linked this Rajput veneration of arms to Edward Gibbon’s account of Attila the Hun worshipping a sacred sword as the symbol of Mars. For him, both reflected the enduring legacy of an ancient Indian military elite that had settled the Mediterranean. Durgadas Rathore, by Archibald Hermann Muller. He found further evidence in heraldry. While European historians generally maintained that heraldic devices arrived through the Crusades, Col. Tod had demonstrated that Rajput tribes employed distinctive banners long before the Trojan War. The state of Amber (Jaipur) flew the Panchranga - a five-coloured flag, while Chanderi bore a rampant lion on a silver field. To Pococke, the elaborate shields and lineages of Homeric chieftains were simply adaptations of this older Kshatriya tradition. Indeed, these were the very warrior clans whom Pococke believed had crossed into Greece and, in some cases, fought before the walls of Troy. Nor did the geography escape Pococke’s attention. According to him, ‘Attica’ - the heartland of Athens, derived from ‘Attock’ on the Indus frontier while Mount Kailas, the terrestrial mansion of the Hindu gods, furnished the Greeks with their ‘Koilon’ and the Romans with ‘Coelum.’ Likewise, Mount Kerketius in Thessaly was nothing but an echo of Kartikeya, Shiva’s peacock-mounted son and commander of the celestial armies. By naming mountains, cities and kingdoms after places remembered from India, Pococke believed Indian settlers had left permanent traces of their origins across the European world. ‘India in Greece’ remains one of the most eccentric, deeply learned and methodology-straining artifacts of nineteenth-century Orientalism. There is also profound historiographical irony here. At a time when much colonial scholarship was deployed to argue that India’s sacred languages and high culture derived from an external Aryan source, Pococke inverted the entire framework. Using the same tools of imperial philology, he stripped Greece of its foundational status and transformed the Mediterranean into a satellite of ancient India, thus created a radical Indocentric ‘alternative’ history. In today’s intellectual landscape, India in Greece reads like an uncanny nineteenth-century blueprint for the ‘Out of India Theory’ - a mirror image of the colonial narrative in which, rather than Europe civilizing Asia, India “morally fertilizes” a primitive Europe.

Imran Khan’s Fall from Grace

Updated: Oct 21, 2024

Imran Khan’s Fall from Grace

Imran Khan, once hailed as Pakistan’s most charismatic and resilient leader now finds himself in a position unprecedented for a man of his stature.

The former Prime Minister of Pakistan, once known for his unyielding spirit and fierce determination, now shows signs of strain. Imprisoned and facing numerous charges, Khan appears to be a shadow of the leader who once inspired millions.

Khan’s recent meeting with journalists revealed a man who is a shell of his former self. Once confident and commanding, his body now shows a sense of unease and agitation. Those who met him describe a waning spirit, a stark change for a leader once known for his steadfastness in adversity.

The journalists described Khan as a man who is aware that his political party, Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI), is losing its once-iron grip on the nation’s imagination―a realisation that visibly shook him.

The PTI, once a magnet for massive crowds and inspired loyalty among its supporters, is now struggling. The much-hyped rally scheduled for August 22 in Islamabad, was embarrassingly cancelled due to a lack of public interest. Khan, in a bid to save face, claimed that the rally was called off to avoid potential violence. In a sign of growing desperation, Khan rescheduled the rally for September 8 and directed his party leaders to overcome any obstacles. This defiant stance is typical of Khan’s confrontational style, and his public directives highlight his insecurity about his party’s ability to mobilise support.

While Khan outwardly appears calm and composed, the multiple cases against him and his time in jail have left him isolated and struggling with loneliness. Even in this difficult situation, he remains in the headlines, thanks to his uncanny ability to stay in the public’s eye. Khan recently made headlines by applying for the University of Oxford Chancellorship, a move initially dismissed as a rumor but confirmed by his spokesman, Sayed Zulfikar Bukhari. As an Oxford alumnus, Khan would be the first Asian to take the role. Many see this bid as a strategic play to leverage his international profile against Pakistan’s establishment, a move that has kept him prominently in the media spotlight.

The political landscape in Pakistan is deeply divided. Prime Minister Shahbaz Sharif, in his second term, has failed to address critical issues including unemployment, soaring inflation, and deteriorating law and order. His administration’s inability to deliver on its promises has only deepened the public’s disillusionment, leading to growing nostalgia for Khan’s past leadership.

Shahbaz Sharif’s government is a source of frustration for the Pakistani people and a cause for concern for the country’s military. Historically, the military has shaped Pakistan’s political trajectory, stepping in when civilian governments falter. The military reportedly is growing uneasy about the government’s performance especially Sharif’s inability to stabilize the country and mend relationships with key neighbors, particularly India. Additionally, its deteriorating ties with Afghanistan and Iran have left Pakistan increasingly isolated. Even China, Pakistan’s longstanding ally, has expressed dissatisfaction with the government’s policies, a worrying sign given the importance of the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) to the country’s economic future.

It is within this context of political turmoil and international isolation that Imran Khan remains a potent force. Despite his legal troubles and the challenges facing his party, Khan’s popularity endures. For millions of Pakistanis, his tenure as Prime Minister is seen as a time of relative stability and hope, a stark contrast to the current administration’s ineptitude. This perception has kept Khan’s political base intact, even as his party faces an uphill battle in the coming months.

However, Khan’s ability to navigate the current political landscape is far from guaranteed. The PTI’s diminishing support, coupled with the increasing pressure from the establishment, raises questions about Khan’s long-term strategy. His recent moves, including the application for the Oxford Chancellorship, suggest a leader willing to explore unconventional avenues to maintain his relevance. But whether these tactics will translate into a successful political comeback remains to be seen.

Pakistan’s political future is more uncertain than ever. Imran Khan’s journey from cricketing legend to political maverick has been extraordinary. Still, as he faces the toughest challenge of his career, the question remains: Can he once again defy the odds and reclaim his place at the helm of Pakistani politics, or is this the beginning of the end for a once unstoppable leader?

Khan’s story is a testament to the complexities of power and the unpredictable nature of political life in Pakistan. His rise, driven by charisma, populism, and a genuine desire for change, now faces the realities of personal and political challenges, raising the possibility that his time may be running out.

Imran Khan is a beacon of hope for his supporters, and a polarizing figure for detractors, whose ambitions have often clouded his judgment. As the nation watches, the world is left to wonder: What will Imran Khan’s next move be? And more importantly, what does it mean for the future of Pakistan? The coming months will be critical not only for Imran Khan but for Pakistan as a whole. The decisions made during this period will shape the country’s trajectory for years. Whether Khan emerges victorious or is consigned to the annals of history as a fallen leader, one thing is certain: The story of Imran Khan is far from over.

(The writer is a senior jounalist based in Islamabad. Views personal)

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