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By:

Quaid Najmi

4 January 2025 at 3:26:24 pm

Seventy-six mayors ruled BMC since 1931

After four years, Mumbai to salute its first citizen Kishori Pednekar Vishwanath Mahadeshwar Snehal Ambekar Sunil Prabhu Mumbai: As the date for appointing Mumbai’s First Citizen looms closer, various political parties have adopted tough posturing to foist their own person for the coveted post of Mayor – the ‘face’ of the country’s commercial capital. Ruling Mahayuti allies Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and Shiv Sena have vowed that the city...

Seventy-six mayors ruled BMC since 1931

After four years, Mumbai to salute its first citizen Kishori Pednekar Vishwanath Mahadeshwar Snehal Ambekar Sunil Prabhu Mumbai: As the date for appointing Mumbai’s First Citizen looms closer, various political parties have adopted tough posturing to foist their own person for the coveted post of Mayor – the ‘face’ of the country’s commercial capital. Ruling Mahayuti allies Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and Shiv Sena have vowed that the city will get a ‘Hindu Marathi’ person to head India’s richest civic body, while the Opposition Shiv Sena (UBT)-Maharashtra Navnirman Sena also harbour fond hopes of a miracle that could ensure their own person for the post. The Maharashtra Vikas Aghadi (MVA) optimism stems from expectations of possible political permutations-combinations that could develop with a realignment of forces as the Supreme Court is hearing the cases involving the Shiv Sena-Nationalist Congress Party this week. Catapulted as the largest single party, the BJP hopes to install a first ever party-man as Mayor, but that may not create history. Way back in 1982-1983, a BJP leader Dr. Prabhakar Pai had served in the top post in Mumbai (then Bombay). Incidentally, Dr. Pai hailed from Udupi district of Karnataka, and his appointment came barely a couple of years after the BJP was formed (1980), capping a distinguished career as a city father, said experts. Originally a Congressman, Dr. Pai later shifted to the Bharatiya Janata Party, then back to Congress briefly, founded the Janata Seva Sangh before immersing himself in social activities. Second Administrator The 2026 Mayoral elections have evoked huge interest not only among Mumbaikars but across the country as it comes after nearly four years since the BMC was governed by an Administrator. This was only the second time in the BMC history that an Administrator was named after April 1984-May 1985. On both occasions, there were election-related issues, the first time the elections got delayed for certain reasons and the second time the polling was put off owing to Ward delimitations and OBC quotas as the matter was pending in the courts. From 1931 till 2022, Mumbai has been lorded over by 76 Mayors, men and women, hailing from various regions, backgrounds, castes and communities. They included Hindus, Muslims, Christians, Parsis, Sikhs, even a Jew, etc., truly reflecting the cosmopolitan personality of the coastal city and India’s financial powerhouse. In 1931-1932, the Mayor was a Parsi, J. B. Boman Behram, and others from his community followed like Khurshed Framji Nariman (after whom Nariman Point is named), E. A. Bandukwala, Minoo Masani, B. N. Karanjia and other bigwigs. There were Muslims like Hoosenally Rahimtoola, Sultan M. Chinoy, the legendary Yusuf Meherally, Dr. A. U. Memon and others. The Christian community got a fair share of Mayors with Joseph A. D’Souza – who was Member of Constituent Assembly representing Bombay Province for writing-approving the Constitution of India, M. U. Mascarenhas, P. A. Dias, Simon C. Fernandes, J. Leon D’Souza, et al. A Jew Elijah Moses (1937-1938) and a Sikh M. H. Bedi (1983-1984), served as Mayors, but post-1985, for the past 40 years, nobody from any minority community occupied the august post. During the silver jubilee year of the post, Sulochana M. Modi became the first woman Mayor of Mumbai (1956), and later with tweaks in the rules, many women ruled in this post – Nirmala Samant-Prabhavalkar (1994-1995), Vishakha Raut (997-1998), Dr. Shubha Raul (March 2007-Nov. 2009), Shraddha Jadhav (Dec. 2009-March 2012), Snehal Ambedkar (Sep. 2014-March 2017). The last incumbent (before the Administrator) was a government nurse, Kishori Pednekar (Nov. 2019-March 2022) - who earned the sobriquet of ‘Florence Nightingale’ of Mumbai - as she flitted around in her full white uniform at the height of the Covid-19 Pandemic, earning the admiration of the citizens. Mumbai Mayor – high-profile post The Mumbai Mayor’s post is considered a crucial step in the political ladder and many went on to become MLAs, MPs, state-central ministers, a Lok Sabha Speaker, Chief Ministers and union ministers. The formidable S. K. Patil was Mayor (1949-1952) and later served in the union cabinets of PMs Jawaharlal Nehru, Lah Bahadur Shastri and Indira Gandhi; Dahyabhai V. Patel (1954-1955) was the son of India’s first Home Minister Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel; Manohar Joshi (1976-1977) became the CM of Maharashtra, later union minister and Speaker of Lok Sabha; Chhagan Bhujbal (1985-1986 – 1990-1991) became a Deputy CM.

India’s Endless Reservation Debate

 What began as a corrective for historical wrongs has ossified into a political crutch that we cannot seem to discard.

Few issues stir as much political fervour in India as caste. Over the past months, Maharashtra has witnessed noisy agitations by Maratha groups demanding a share of reservations. Not long ago, Patidars in Gujarat, Jats in Haryana and Kapus in Andhra Pradesh made similar claims. Karnataka has embarked on its own caste survey, while Bihar, with an election looming, has castes and sub-castes dissected on nightly television debates, replete with colourful charts predicting who will vote for whom. Every political party insists it seeks an India beyond caste. Yet every politician calculates electoral arithmetic on its basis.

 

The paradox is glaring. On one hand, there are voices denying the relevance of caste in a modernising, urbanising India; on the other, there are groups clamouring for preferential treatment grounded in it. To acknowledge the persistence of caste is not to endorse hierarchy, but to recognise difference. Nature itself offers a parallel. Carolus Linnaeus, the Swedish botanist, classified plants and animals into countless categories, each with distinctive traits. Diversity does not imply superiority. Yet, in India, difference has too often been distorted into hierarchy, relegating some to centuries of disadvantage.

 

The Constitution-makers hoped that independence would render caste irrelevant. Reservations were conceived as a temporary remedy, to be reviewed after a decade. Seventy-five years later, the remedy has become a permanent fixture, with demands for expansion rather than rollback. If caste-based discrimination has indeed persisted all these decades, then governments bear responsibility for failing to eradicate it. If, however, the basis of exclusion has shifted from caste to affordability, then reservations are a misplaced cure for an altered malady. Poverty, not caste alone, has become the greater barrier in today’s India.

 

False comfort

This muddle explains why the policy provokes both passion and fatigue. For decades, reservations did provide opportunities once denied. They enabled Dalits, Adivasis and backward classes to access education, jobs and political representation. But the law of diminishing returns is catching up. Extending reservations endlessly to ever-new groups risks diluting the very objective of the policy. Like a fixed deposit perpetually rolled over, the scheme offers the false comfort of continuity while inflation erodes its real worth.

 

Social realities, too, have changed. Urban India’s restaurants do not inquire into the caste of the cook. Employers in competitive industries care about skills, not surnames. Inter-caste friendships and marriages, though far from ubiquitous, are no longer the taboo they once were. In many respects, mobility and opportunity are determined less by birth than by wealth, location and access to networks. In this context, expanding caste quotas seems less a measure of social justice and more an exercise in political patronage.

 

The hypocrisy of political parties is plain. They lament caste divisions while exploiting them ruthlessly in a first-past-the-post system that rewards micro-fragmentation. To cobble together a winning coalition, they slice electorates into ever narrower blocs. Securing a minority of votes suffices for victory if the opposition is splintered. This perverse incentive fuels the endless clamour for quotas. The more groups can be promised reservations, the more securely politicians can bank on their loyalties.

 

A more honest politics would acknowledge both the persistence and the transformation of caste. Discrimination has not vanished, but nor does caste define every opportunity or exclusion as it once did. Leaders serious about creating a society beyond caste would reform the electoral system itself. Alternatives such as ranked-choice voting, which compel candidates to seek majority support, would encourage unifying appeals rather than divisive arithmetic. True mass leaders would harness diversity not to pit groups against one another, but to complement strengths and overcome weaknesses.

 

Historical scars

None of this is to deny the scars of history. Caste hierarchies inflicted grievous damage over centuries, depriving millions of dignity and opportunity. Addressing those wrongs was both just and necessary. But policies must adapt to the present. To continue treating caste as the singular determinant of deprivation is intellectually lazy and politically cynical. India’s young population faces challenges of unemployment, skills mismatch, and inequality that transcend caste boundaries.

But an outdated framework of reservations risks missing the target altogether.

 

The question, then, is not whether to abandon affirmative action, but how to redefine it. Quotas based solely on caste risk becoming ever more contentious and ineffective. Targeted measures based on economic need, combined with better public education, skill-building, and healthcare, would serve the disadvantaged more directly. This requires courage and imagination—qualities too often absent in India’s political class.

 

Ultimately, the responsibility does not lie with politicians alone. Ordinary citizens, too, must resist the lure of caste-based identity politics. Voters must recognise that their interests are not best served by electing someone from their caste, but by supporting candidates who are competent and honest. The selfish calculation of “one of our own” in office has perpetuated mediocrity and corruption as much as any other factor.

 

India’s obsession with caste quotas is a symptom of a larger malaise: the reluctance to update institutions and ideas with changing times. Clinging to the comfort zones of yesteryear will not carry the country forward. Reservations once helped level the field. Today, without clarity of purpose and courage of reform, they risk becoming a dead weight. The sooner India confronts this uncomfortable truth, the better its chances of creating a society where difference no longer dictates destiny.

 

(The writer works in the Information Technology sector. Views personal.) 


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