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By:

Bhalchandra Chorghade

11 August 2025 at 7:24:18 pm

CIDCO struggles to find takers for its homes

Mumbai: The City and Industrial Development Corporation’s (CIDCO) latest housing scheme has exposed a recurring challenge for the planning authority: finding buyers for its large housing inventory despite its affordable-housing focus. The August 2026 scheme offered 4,793 homes in Taloja, Kharghar and Kalamboli and received 4,180 confirmed applications before bookings closed on September 3. While CIDCO described the response as strong, 613 homes—nearly 13 per cent of the inventory—had no...

CIDCO struggles to find takers for its homes

Mumbai: The City and Industrial Development Corporation’s (CIDCO) latest housing scheme has exposed a recurring challenge for the planning authority: finding buyers for its large housing inventory despite its affordable-housing focus. The August 2026 scheme offered 4,793 homes in Taloja, Kharghar and Kalamboli and received 4,180 confirmed applications before bookings closed on September 3. While CIDCO described the response as strong, 613 homes—nearly 13 per cent of the inventory—had no confirmed applicant. This follows earlier schemes with similar gaps. In January 2025, CIDCO’s ‘My Preferred Home’ scheme, offering around 26,000 homes across Navi Mumbai, attracted 1.36 lakh initial applications. However, only about 55,000 applicants paid the registration fee and around 22,000 deposited the required earnest money, leaving serious participation below the number of homes offered. A CAG-linked report on two CIDCO housing schemes in Kharghar found that, of 4,814 saleable tenements, allotment letters had been issued to 3,733 applicants and possession handed over to 3,317. Four years after the draw, 1,081 tenements remained unsold. CIDCO has also faced scrutiny over marketing expenditure. In 2023, reports questioned the appointment of private agencies to market and allot PMAY homes, stating that the agencies had received advances of more than Rs 100 crore before sales took place. CIDCO officials said external support was necessary given the scale of the programme. The scale of investment adds to the concern. CIDCO’s mass-housing programme envisaged 68,515 homes at an estimated cost of around Rs 15,300 crore. A 2024 report noted that thousands of completed homes were awaiting sale, locking up capital and increasing the authority’s financial burden. The latest homes are located in Taloja Sector 39, Kalamboli Bus Depot and Kharghar Bus Depot. Taloja accounts for 4,229 homes, followed by 257 in Kalamboli and 293 in Kharghar. Indicative prices range from around Rs 23.50 lakh in Taloja to Rs 37.70 lakh in Kalamboli and Rs 43.50 lakh in Kharghar. The figures point to a possible mismatch between what CIDCO considers affordable and what its target buyers can finance. Industry experts have noted that EWS homes priced at Rs 25 lakh or more may be difficult for households within the prescribed income ceiling, particularly after registration, stamp duty, floor-rise charges and other costs. Location may also influence demand. Taloja has seen rapid development and improved connectivity, including metro access, but buyers continue to weigh its distance from established employment centres and social infrastructure, as well as commuting costs. CIDCO maintains that its housing programme meets a genuine need in Navi Mumbai. Ashwin Mudgal, Vice Chairman and Managing Director, CIDCO, said, “The overwhelming response to the housing scheme reflects the aspirations of citizens to own a home in Navi Mumbai and their continued confidence in CIDCO’s planned development initiatives. CIDCO remains committed to providing affordable and quality housing opportunities in well-planned locations, enabling citizens to benefit from the region’s growing infrastructure and connectivity.” The authority has also highlighted the Pradhan Mantri Awas Yojana-Urban (PMAY-U) subsidy, under which eligible beneficiaries can receive Rs 2.5 lakh, subject to applicable guidelines and eligibility criteria. However, the repeated unsold inventory suggests that CIDCO’s challenge extends beyond construction. Pricing, apartment configurations, location, payment flexibility and connectivity may need to be reassessed before further public resources are committed.

India’s Missing Input

In India’s interminable debates over agricultural prices, one constant is striking by its absence. Policymakers argue over fertiliser subsidies, diesel prices and monsoon forecasts with the precision of book-keepers. Yet the farmer, who absorbs the shocks of all these variables, is reduced to a cipher. In the spreadsheets that govern Minimum Support Prices (MSP), labour is a fixed input, assumed to endure endlessly.

The physical and mental toll of farming in form of the stress owing to inclement conditions, chemical exposure and chronic anxiety, barely registers in the minds of policymakers. It is an omission that sits uneasily with India’s ambition to become a developed country by 2047.


This neglect is not accidental. Classical economics has long treated labour as an abstract unit, interchangeable and inexhaustible. From Adam Smith’s pin factories to post-independence planning commissions, productivity was explained through land, capital and effort, not through the condition of the worker. In agriculture, the bias was even starker. The Green Revolution of the 1960s and 1970s, while transformative, was built on high-yield seeds, fertilisers, irrigation and not on the health of those who wielded them. The farmer’s body was assumed to cope.


Fragile Variable

That assumption is now untenable. Climate change has turned heatwaves into routine hazards. Pesticide exposure has become endemic. Rural mental-health distress is no longer anecdotal but measurable. And yet policy remains stubbornly mechanical. India insures crops against weather shocks, not farmers against physical collapse. It compensates for yield loss, not for human depletion.

In my years as an agricultural economist, I have been working to correct precisely this blind spot by rewriting the agricultural production function itself. Instead of treating labour (L) as static, “health capital” (H) should be introduced as a multiplier. Output, in this formulation, is not merely a function of seeds, fertiliser, water and labour, but of labour adjusted for health: Y = f(S, F, W, L × H). The intuition is obvious enough. A farmer weakened by illness or exhaustion is not the same economic agent as one in good health. What is radical here is that health is not a welfare add-on but a productive asset.


Uncomfortable Consequences

This reframing has uncomfortable consequences for existing policy. Take MSP. Current formulas, whether based on paid-out costs (A2+FL) or comprehensive costs (C2), do not account for what might be called ‘health depreciation.’ Labour-intensive crops such as cotton or sugarcane impose far greater physical strain than cereals. Ignoring this skews prices against those who bear the heaviest human cost. A health-adjusted MSP could justify returns 15–25 percent higher for such crops. The state already amortises tractors and tubewells. It simply refuses to do so for human beings.


The implications stretch beyond domestic pricing. India’s push to expand agricultural exports increasingly runs up against stringent sanitary and phytosanitary standards abroad. By embedding farmer health into the production calculus, safer practices become economically rational rather than morally aspirational. Reduced chemical exposure, better working conditions and lower residue levels would not only preserve health capital but also allow Indian produce to be marketed as ‘ethically grown.’ In rich-country supermarkets, that label increasingly commands a premium.


There is historical precedent for such a shift. During the industrial reforms of late-19th-century Europe, factory acts limiting working hours and improving conditions were justified not only on humanitarian grounds but on productivity. A healthier workforce was a more reliable one. India, by contrast, still behaves as if its farmers are infinitely resilient.


Insurance policy offers another illustration. Crop insurance schemes proliferate, yet they protect outputs, not the producer. Under a health-capital framework, extreme heat that incapacitates a farmer represents an economic shock akin to a failed harvest.


Sceptics will object that measuring health capital is complex, that it opens the door to bureaucratic inflation and fiscal strain. But complexity has never deterred India from designing elaborate subsidy regimes. What has deterred it is a reluctance to see farmers as more than instruments.


If India’s aspiration to be a $5trn economy is to rest on firm ground, it cannot be built on exhausted bodies. Development is not merely about higher yields or larger exports but about sustaining the people who make them possible. In the long run, the most precious resource in the field is not the crop, but the person behind the plough.


(The writer is a member of Maharashtra Agriculture Price Commission. Views personal.)

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