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By:

Abhijit Mulye

21 August 2024 at 11:29:11 am

Shinde dilutes demand

Likely to be content with Deputy Mayor’s post in Mumbai Mumbai: In a decisive shift that redraws the power dynamics of Maharashtra’s urban politics, the standoff over the prestigious Mumbai Mayor’s post has ended with a strategic compromise. Following days of resort politics and intense backroom negotiations, the Eknath Shinde-led Shiv Sena has reportedly diluted its demand for the top job in the Brihanmumbai Municipal Corporation (BMC), settling instead for the Deputy Mayor’s post. This...

Shinde dilutes demand

Likely to be content with Deputy Mayor’s post in Mumbai Mumbai: In a decisive shift that redraws the power dynamics of Maharashtra’s urban politics, the standoff over the prestigious Mumbai Mayor’s post has ended with a strategic compromise. Following days of resort politics and intense backroom negotiations, the Eknath Shinde-led Shiv Sena has reportedly diluted its demand for the top job in the Brihanmumbai Municipal Corporation (BMC), settling instead for the Deputy Mayor’s post. This development, confirmed by high-ranking party insiders, follows the realization that the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) effectively ceded its claims on the Kalyan-Dombivali Municipal Corporation (KDMC) to protect the alliance, facilitating a “Mumbai for BJP, Kalyan for Shinde” power-sharing formula. The compromise marks a complete role reversal between the BJP and the Shiv Sena. Both the political parties were in alliance with each other for over 25 years before 2017 civic polls. Back then the BJP used to get the post of Deputy Mayor while the Shiv Sena always enjoyed the mayor’s position. In 2017 a surging BJP (82 seats) had paused its aggression to support the undivided Shiv Sena (84 seats), preferring to be out of power in the Corporation to keep the saffron alliance intact. Today, the numbers dictate a different reality. In the recently concluded elections BJP emerged as the single largest party in Mumbai with 89 seats, while the Shinde faction secured 29. Although the Shinde faction acted as the “kingmaker”—pushing the alliance past the majority mark of 114—the sheer numerical gap made their claim to the mayor’s post untenable in the long run. KDMC Factor The catalyst for this truce lies 40 kilometers north of Mumbai in Kalyan-Dombivali, a region considered the impregnable fortress of Eknath Shinde and his son, MP Shrikant Shinde. While the BJP performed exceptionally well in KDMC, winning 50 seats compared to the Shinde faction’s 53, the lotter for the reservation of mayor’s post in KDMC turned the tables decisively in favor of Shiv Sena there. In the lottery, the KDMC mayor’ post went to be reserved for the Scheduled Tribe candidate. The BJP doesn’t have any such candidate among elected corporatros in KDMC. This cleared the way for Shiv Sena. Also, the Shiv Sena tied hands with the MNS in the corporation effectively weakening the Shiv Sena (UBT)’s alliance with them. Party insiders suggest that once it became clear the BJP would not pursue the KDMC Mayor’s chair—effectively acknowledging it as Shinde’s fiefdom—he agreed to scale down his demands in the capital. “We have practically no hope of installing a BJP Mayor in Kalyan-Dombivali without shattering the alliance locally,” a Mumbai BJP secretary admitted and added, “Letting the KDMC become Shinde’s home turf is the price for securing the Mumbai Mayor’s bungalow for a BJP corporator for the first time in history.” The formal elections for the Mayoral posts are scheduled for later this month. While the opposition Maharashtra Vikas Aghadi (MVA)—led by the Shiv Sena (UBT)—has vowed to field candidates, the arithmetic heavily favors the ruling alliance. For Eknath Shinde, accepting the Deputy Mayor’s post in Mumbai is a tactical retreat. It allows him to consolidate his power in the MMR belt (Thane and Kalyan) while remaining a partner in Mumbai’s governance. For the BJP, this is a crowning moment; after playing second fiddle in the BMC for decades, they are poised to finally install their own “First Citizen” of Mumbai.

Influencer Immunity

Updated: Feb 19, 2025

The law, as the old maxim goes, must apply equally to all. Yet, in India’s increasingly stratified political and social order, the principle of equality before the law appears to be in tatters. Social media influencer Ranveer Allahbadia and comedian Samay Raina, in the eye of a raging controversy, have both defied police summonses, offering flimsy excuses for their non-compliance.


The Mumbai and Guwahati Police, in a joint statement, have highlighted Allahbadia’s continuous absence, noting that he has yet to respond to FIRs filed by the Maharashtra Cyber Department, the Guwahati and the Jaipur Police in connection with making crass remarks he made on Raina’s controversial ‘India’s Got Latent’ show.


Allahbadia, better known as ‘BeerBiceps’ to his millions of followers, has curried favour in high places. Prime Minister Narendra Modi had exchanged pleasantries with him at an awards ceremony last year. External Affairs Minister S. Jaishankar has been a guest on his show, lending credibility to his growing influence. These associations, it seems, have insulated him from the very institutions meant to uphold the law.


The police’s inconsistent enforcement further exacerbates concerns. While opposition figures, activists and journalists often face swift action, Allahbadia and Raina’s non-compliance has been met with delays and accommodations. This selective application of the law not only erodes the credibility of law enforcement agencies but also raises questions about impartiality and commitment to justice.


Had an average citizen attempted such defiance, they would have likely been dragged out of their homes or, at the very least, been made to appear in court under duress. But in the case of these social media darlings, the response has been curiously muted. The indulgence afforded to Allahbadia and Raina speaks to a broader cultural shift in governance. Influencers, rather than seasoned journalists or public intellectuals, are increasingly the preferred interlocutors of India’s top leadership. Modi has made a point of engaging with social media personalities, recognising their ability to shape public opinion. This is savvy politics, but it also distorts accountability. Does this highlight a concerning trend where political utility and social influence can overshadow legal accountability?


If the police cannot act without fear or favour, then they cease to function as an impartial authority and instead become an instrument of political convenience. The law cannot be seen as a tool to be wielded against critics while those within the ruling establishment’s orbit enjoy impunity. Modi’s government, which claims to stand for transparency and good governance, must ensure that all citizens, no matter their status or connections, are held to the same standard. When those with access to power receive implicit protections from legal repercussions, it signals to the rest of the country that justice is selective.


The point is who do Allahbadia and Raina think they are to defy police orders with impunity? And why is the law letting them get away with it? The answer may well lie in their political utility rather than any legal rationale. That, more than anything, should concern every Indian who still believes in the promise of equality before the law.

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