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By:

Quaid Najmi

4 January 2025 at 3:26:24 pm

Seventy-six mayors ruled BMC since 1931

After four years, Mumbai to salute its first citizen Kishori Pednekar Vishwanath Mahadeshwar Snehal Ambekar Sunil Prabhu Mumbai: As the date for appointing Mumbai’s First Citizen looms closer, various political parties have adopted tough posturing to foist their own person for the coveted post of Mayor – the ‘face’ of the country’s commercial capital. Ruling Mahayuti allies Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and Shiv Sena have vowed that the city...

Seventy-six mayors ruled BMC since 1931

After four years, Mumbai to salute its first citizen Kishori Pednekar Vishwanath Mahadeshwar Snehal Ambekar Sunil Prabhu Mumbai: As the date for appointing Mumbai’s First Citizen looms closer, various political parties have adopted tough posturing to foist their own person for the coveted post of Mayor – the ‘face’ of the country’s commercial capital. Ruling Mahayuti allies Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and Shiv Sena have vowed that the city will get a ‘Hindu Marathi’ person to head India’s richest civic body, while the Opposition Shiv Sena (UBT)-Maharashtra Navnirman Sena also harbour fond hopes of a miracle that could ensure their own person for the post. The Maharashtra Vikas Aghadi (MVA) optimism stems from expectations of possible political permutations-combinations that could develop with a realignment of forces as the Supreme Court is hearing the cases involving the Shiv Sena-Nationalist Congress Party this week. Catapulted as the largest single party, the BJP hopes to install a first ever party-man as Mayor, but that may not create history. Way back in 1982-1983, a BJP leader Dr. Prabhakar Pai had served in the top post in Mumbai (then Bombay). Incidentally, Dr. Pai hailed from Udupi district of Karnataka, and his appointment came barely a couple of years after the BJP was formed (1980), capping a distinguished career as a city father, said experts. Originally a Congressman, Dr. Pai later shifted to the Bharatiya Janata Party, then back to Congress briefly, founded the Janata Seva Sangh before immersing himself in social activities. Second Administrator The 2026 Mayoral elections have evoked huge interest not only among Mumbaikars but across the country as it comes after nearly four years since the BMC was governed by an Administrator. This was only the second time in the BMC history that an Administrator was named after April 1984-May 1985. On both occasions, there were election-related issues, the first time the elections got delayed for certain reasons and the second time the polling was put off owing to Ward delimitations and OBC quotas as the matter was pending in the courts. From 1931 till 2022, Mumbai has been lorded over by 76 Mayors, men and women, hailing from various regions, backgrounds, castes and communities. They included Hindus, Muslims, Christians, Parsis, Sikhs, even a Jew, etc., truly reflecting the cosmopolitan personality of the coastal city and India’s financial powerhouse. In 1931-1932, the Mayor was a Parsi, J. B. Boman Behram, and others from his community followed like Khurshed Framji Nariman (after whom Nariman Point is named), E. A. Bandukwala, Minoo Masani, B. N. Karanjia and other bigwigs. There were Muslims like Hoosenally Rahimtoola, Sultan M. Chinoy, the legendary Yusuf Meherally, Dr. A. U. Memon and others. The Christian community got a fair share of Mayors with Joseph A. D’Souza – who was Member of Constituent Assembly representing Bombay Province for writing-approving the Constitution of India, M. U. Mascarenhas, P. A. Dias, Simon C. Fernandes, J. Leon D’Souza, et al. A Jew Elijah Moses (1937-1938) and a Sikh M. H. Bedi (1983-1984), served as Mayors, but post-1985, for the past 40 years, nobody from any minority community occupied the august post. During the silver jubilee year of the post, Sulochana M. Modi became the first woman Mayor of Mumbai (1956), and later with tweaks in the rules, many women ruled in this post – Nirmala Samant-Prabhavalkar (1994-1995), Vishakha Raut (997-1998), Dr. Shubha Raul (March 2007-Nov. 2009), Shraddha Jadhav (Dec. 2009-March 2012), Snehal Ambedkar (Sep. 2014-March 2017). The last incumbent (before the Administrator) was a government nurse, Kishori Pednekar (Nov. 2019-March 2022) - who earned the sobriquet of ‘Florence Nightingale’ of Mumbai - as she flitted around in her full white uniform at the height of the Covid-19 Pandemic, earning the admiration of the citizens. Mumbai Mayor – high-profile post The Mumbai Mayor’s post is considered a crucial step in the political ladder and many went on to become MLAs, MPs, state-central ministers, a Lok Sabha Speaker, Chief Ministers and union ministers. The formidable S. K. Patil was Mayor (1949-1952) and later served in the union cabinets of PMs Jawaharlal Nehru, Lah Bahadur Shastri and Indira Gandhi; Dahyabhai V. Patel (1954-1955) was the son of India’s first Home Minister Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel; Manohar Joshi (1976-1977) became the CM of Maharashtra, later union minister and Speaker of Lok Sabha; Chhagan Bhujbal (1985-1986 – 1990-1991) became a Deputy CM.

Is Caste-Based Census an Empowerment Tool or a Catalyst for Division?

As political leaders revive caste-based counting, the promise of empowerment risks being overshadowed by a dangerous drift from the goal of true social equality.

When political self-interest begins to sit atop the shoulders of societal welfare, the chasm of social inequality only deepens. Hostility among castes and communities intensifies, and eventually, this gives rise to social anarchy. In India, a determined movement to annihilate caste was initiated with the hope that if caste could be eradicated, social inequality would significantly reduce. Brotherhood would flourish, and the dream of a progressive society could become a reality.


However, instead of bolstering this movement with moral and ideological strength, political leadership chose to pit castes and religions against one another for electoral gains. As a result, caste identities have grown sharper. And now, sounding the trumpet of a caste-based census adds yet another layer of complexity to this volatile mix. What exactly will this census achieve? How will society benefit from it? These remain unanswered questions. But one thing is clear — it will widen the existing social disparity gap. Hence, even as the nation makes economic strides, this move may well push it toward greater social unrest.


Caste-based enumeration dates back to the 19th century in India. The outcomes of those early experiments were stark — rather than fostering unity, they sowed division, leading to the eventual discontinuation of such censuses. Today, only Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes are counted in official statistics. The broader categorisation of so-called "upper castes" and Other Backward Classes was halted.


Notably, even in the second decade of the 21st century, the UPA government under Dr. Manmohan Singh undertook a similar exercise. However, Singh — a globally respected economist — recognised the potential perils in the data and shelved the file. Ironically, the same Congress party that then closed the door on a caste-based census is now vocally championing it, with party scion Rahul Gandhi aggressively advocating it as if it were the sole path to India’s development. In interviews across Indian and international media, Gandhi projected the census as a panacea for social justice.


At that time, the BJP-led government under Narendra Modi opposed caste-based enumeration. Yet, surprisingly, just before the Bihar assembly elections, the Centre announced support for such a census — a move widely considered a strategic attempt to counter the opposition. In this game of political one-upmanship, the core issue of social inequality has been sidelined conveniently.


Census operations in India have continued uninterrupted. British civil servant John Henry Hutton, who served as Census Commissioner during the colonial era, is often credited with initiating caste-based enumeration. Hutton’s anthropological work on the Naga tribes and his observations on India's caste structure remain well known. But how many castes are there in India today? Even the proponents of such a census and their political patrons may not have a clear answer.


One survey pegs the number of castes and sub-castes at a staggering 4.5 million. One can only imagine how sharply defined these identities are. Making caste-wise population data public could very likely lead to further fragmentation, sparking new battles over representation and entitlements, rather than promoting unity.


Behind the renewed push for a caste census lies a clear electoral calculus. The formula is simple: more population, more benefits. In princely Kolhapur, RajarshiShahu Chhatrapati implemented a caste census in the early 20th century, aligning representation in local governance accordingly. But that effort had a progressive social vision behind it. Today’s census, however, is unlikely to be so well-intentioned, especially given how much influence ruling regimes exert over bureaucratic machinery.


Previously, three states undertook caste-based censuses enthusiastically. However, the results came as a rude shock to many — the assumed population figures of certain communities turned out to be lower than expected, impacting their share in reservations.


So, the question stands: will India plunge into a numbers game of percentages and proportions, or will it strive to dismantle the caste structure altogether — to lift the toiling, marginalised, and neglected classes out of social disparity? Even though a caste-based census may seem like a tool for empowerment, it risks becoming a dangerous detour in the fight against inequality.

(The author is a senior journalist based in Kolhapur. Views personal.)

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