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By:

Bhalchandra Chorghade

11 August 2025 at 7:24:18 pm

CIDCO struggles to find takers for its homes

Mumbai: The City and Industrial Development Corporation’s (CIDCO) latest housing scheme has exposed a recurring challenge for the planning authority: finding buyers for its large housing inventory despite its affordable-housing focus. The August 2026 scheme offered 4,793 homes in Taloja, Kharghar and Kalamboli and received 4,180 confirmed applications before bookings closed on September 3. While CIDCO described the response as strong, 613 homes—nearly 13 per cent of the inventory—had no...

CIDCO struggles to find takers for its homes

Mumbai: The City and Industrial Development Corporation’s (CIDCO) latest housing scheme has exposed a recurring challenge for the planning authority: finding buyers for its large housing inventory despite its affordable-housing focus. The August 2026 scheme offered 4,793 homes in Taloja, Kharghar and Kalamboli and received 4,180 confirmed applications before bookings closed on September 3. While CIDCO described the response as strong, 613 homes—nearly 13 per cent of the inventory—had no confirmed applicant. This follows earlier schemes with similar gaps. In January 2025, CIDCO’s ‘My Preferred Home’ scheme, offering around 26,000 homes across Navi Mumbai, attracted 1.36 lakh initial applications. However, only about 55,000 applicants paid the registration fee and around 22,000 deposited the required earnest money, leaving serious participation below the number of homes offered. A CAG-linked report on two CIDCO housing schemes in Kharghar found that, of 4,814 saleable tenements, allotment letters had been issued to 3,733 applicants and possession handed over to 3,317. Four years after the draw, 1,081 tenements remained unsold. CIDCO has also faced scrutiny over marketing expenditure. In 2023, reports questioned the appointment of private agencies to market and allot PMAY homes, stating that the agencies had received advances of more than Rs 100 crore before sales took place. CIDCO officials said external support was necessary given the scale of the programme. The scale of investment adds to the concern. CIDCO’s mass-housing programme envisaged 68,515 homes at an estimated cost of around Rs 15,300 crore. A 2024 report noted that thousands of completed homes were awaiting sale, locking up capital and increasing the authority’s financial burden. The latest homes are located in Taloja Sector 39, Kalamboli Bus Depot and Kharghar Bus Depot. Taloja accounts for 4,229 homes, followed by 257 in Kalamboli and 293 in Kharghar. Indicative prices range from around Rs 23.50 lakh in Taloja to Rs 37.70 lakh in Kalamboli and Rs 43.50 lakh in Kharghar. The figures point to a possible mismatch between what CIDCO considers affordable and what its target buyers can finance. Industry experts have noted that EWS homes priced at Rs 25 lakh or more may be difficult for households within the prescribed income ceiling, particularly after registration, stamp duty, floor-rise charges and other costs. Location may also influence demand. Taloja has seen rapid development and improved connectivity, including metro access, but buyers continue to weigh its distance from established employment centres and social infrastructure, as well as commuting costs. CIDCO maintains that its housing programme meets a genuine need in Navi Mumbai. Ashwin Mudgal, Vice Chairman and Managing Director, CIDCO, said, “The overwhelming response to the housing scheme reflects the aspirations of citizens to own a home in Navi Mumbai and their continued confidence in CIDCO’s planned development initiatives. CIDCO remains committed to providing affordable and quality housing opportunities in well-planned locations, enabling citizens to benefit from the region’s growing infrastructure and connectivity.” The authority has also highlighted the Pradhan Mantri Awas Yojana-Urban (PMAY-U) subsidy, under which eligible beneficiaries can receive Rs 2.5 lakh, subject to applicable guidelines and eligibility criteria. However, the repeated unsold inventory suggests that CIDCO’s challenge extends beyond construction. Pricing, apartment configurations, location, payment flexibility and connectivity may need to be reassessed before further public resources are committed.

Japan’s Iron Lady

Sanae Takaichi’s rise as Japan’s first female Prime Minister shatters a glass ceiling but cements the conservative foundations beneath it.

In a country where patriarchal tradition has long dictated the boundaries of public life, Sanae Takaichi’s ascent to Japan’s premiership is a moment of striking symbolism. For young Japanese women, the image of a woman leading the nation evokes the tantalising promise of change. Yet for all its historic resonance, her victory also underscores a paradox: Japan’s first female Prime Minister may be among its most conservative leaders in decades.


Born in Nara and known for her no-nonsense demeanour, Takaichi, 64, has long modelled herself after Margaret Thatcher. Like her British idol, she relishes toughness, discipline and ideological clarity. Her campaign speeches bristled with language about “duty” and “hard work,” culminating in her declaration to parliament: “I will work, work, work.” To her admirers, she embodies the resilience Japan needs in an era of sluggish growth and demographic decline. To her critics, she personifies a leader who, whilst breaking the ultimate glass ceiling, has only reinforced the walls beneath it.


Her rise comes at a time when the ruling Liberal Democratic Party (LDP), which has governed Japan almost uninterrupted since 1955, faces internal disarray and public distrust. The party’s old guard, steeped in factionalism and money politics, was battered by the recent slush-fund scandal that forced Shigeru Ishiba to resign. The departure of Komeito, the LDP’s centrist coalition partner, further weakened the government. Takaichi’s election, backed by the right-wing base and bolstered by an alliance with the populist Japan Innovation Party (JIP), was thus both a necessity and a gamble. It was meant to consolidate the conservative bloc and prevent further drift toward Japan’s nationalist fringe.


Fierce Nationalist

The parallels with Thatcherism extend beyond tone. Like Thatcher, Takaichi champions small government, fiscal discipline and a muscular nationalism. She has argued for revising Japan’s pacifist constitution, originally drafted under American occupation, to grant the Self-Defence Forces the explicit right to act militarily abroad. In this, she reflects the LDP’s long-standing ambition to ‘normalise’ Japan’s defence posture amid an increasingly assertive China and an unpredictable North Korea.


Since the Meiji era, the Japanese state has fused nationalism with patriarchal family norms, encapsulated in the ideal of ‘ryōsai kenbo’— the ‘good wife, wise mother.’ Post-war reforms under American occupation formally granted women the right to vote and work, but corporate culture and social expectations kept most women tethered to the domestic sphere. Even today, women make up less than 15 percent of managerial positions and only around 10 percent of parliamentarians. The LDP, dominated by elderly male politicians, has done little to change this. Takaichi’s rise, paradoxically, was enabled not by a feminist wave but by the party’s internal arithmetic and the vacuum of credible conservative leadership.


Her premiership also speaks to broader geopolitical anxieties. Japan faces an increasingly hostile neighbourhood: Chinese naval incursions around the Senkaku Islands have become routine; North Korea continues to fire missiles over the Sea of Japan; and America’s security commitment, though reaffirmed under Joe Biden, remains shadowed by uncertainty. At home, an ageing electorate and stagnant wages fuel discontent. Takaichi’s call to “rebuild Japan through hard work” taps into nostalgia for the post-war decades when Japan’s industriousness powered its rise as an economic superpower. But such rhetoric may fall flat in a society where overwork has already taken a toll.


Internationally, Takaichi’s ascent could mark a rightward shift in Japan’s diplomacy. She is likely to maintain close ties with Washington but take a firmer line on Taiwan, aligning Japan more closely with the United States and Australia in their Indo-Pacific security agenda. Her scepticism toward China’s economic influence may lead to a cooling of relations that are already strained by territorial disputes and trade frictions. Domestically, however, her minority government will have to navigate a fractious Diet, where the LDP-JIP alliance remains two seats short of a majority.


In many ways, Takaichi’s leadership reflects Japan’s uneasy relationship with modernity: a society eager for renewal but wary of altering its foundations. Like Thatcher, she may prove transformative, but whether she transforms her country’s gender order or merely reinforces it remains to be seen. 


In the end, Japan’s first “Iron Lady” offers both inspiration and caution. She shatters a barrier but embodies the conservatism that built it. Her tenure will test not just her stamina but Japan’s ability to reconcile its reverence for tradition with the imperatives of change.


(The author is a researcher and expert in foreign affairs. Views personal.)

 

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