top of page

By:

Quaid Najmi

4 January 2025 at 3:26:24 pm

Congress’ solo path for ‘ideological survival’

Mumbai: The Congress party’s decision to contest the forthcoming BrihanMumbai Municipal Corporation (BMC) elections independently is being viewed as an attempt to reclaim its ideological space among the public and restore credibility within its cadre, senior leaders indicated. The announcement - made by AICC General Secretary Ramesh Chennithala alongside state president Harshwardhan Sapkal and Mumbai Congress chief Varsha Gaikwad - did not trigger a backlash from the Maharashtra Vikas Aghadi...

Congress’ solo path for ‘ideological survival’

Mumbai: The Congress party’s decision to contest the forthcoming BrihanMumbai Municipal Corporation (BMC) elections independently is being viewed as an attempt to reclaim its ideological space among the public and restore credibility within its cadre, senior leaders indicated. The announcement - made by AICC General Secretary Ramesh Chennithala alongside state president Harshwardhan Sapkal and Mumbai Congress chief Varsha Gaikwad - did not trigger a backlash from the Maharashtra Vikas Aghadi (MVA) partners, the Nationalist Congress Party (SP) and Shiv Sena (UBT). According to Congress insiders, the move is the outcome of more than a year of intense internal consultations following the party’ dismal performance in the 2024 Assembly elections, belying huge expectations. A broad consensus reportedly emerged that the party should chart a “lone-wolf” course to safeguard the core ideals of Congress, turning140-years-old, next month. State and Mumbai-level Congress leaders, speaking off the record, said that although the party gained momentum in the 2019 Assembly and 2024 Lok Sabha elections, it was frequently constrained by alliance compulsions. Several MVA partners, they claimed, remained unyielding on larger ideological and political issues. “The Congress had to compromise repeatedly and soften its position, but endured it as part of ‘alliance dharma’. Others did not reciprocate in the same spirit. They made unilateral announcements and declared candidates or policies without consensus,” a senior state leader remarked. Avoid liabilities He added that some alliance-backed candidates later proved to be liabilities. Many either lost narrowly or, even after winning with the support of Congress workers, defected to Mahayuti constituents - the Bharatiya Janata Party, Shiv Sena, or the Nationalist Congress Party. “More than five dozen such desertions have taken place so far, which is unethical, backstabbing the voters and a waste of all our efforts,” he rued. A Mumbai office-bearer elaborated that in certain constituencies, Congress workers effectively propelled weak allied candidates through the campaign. “Our assessment is that post-split, some partners have alienated their grassroots base, especially in the mofussil regions. They increasingly rely on Congress workers. This is causing disillusionment among our cadre, who see deserving leaders being sidelined and organisational growth stagnating,” he said. Chennithala’s declaration on Saturday was unambiguous: “We will contest all 227 seats independently in the BMC polls. This is the demand of our leaders and workers - to go alone in the civic elections.” Gaikwad added that the Congress is a “cultured and respectable party” that cannot ally with just anyone—a subtle reference to the Maharashtra Navnirman Sena (MNS), which had earlier targeted North Indians and other communities and is now bidding for an electoral arrangement with the SS(UBT). Both state and city leaders reiterated that barring the BMC elections - where the Congress will take the ‘ekla chalo’ route - the MVA alliance remains intact. This is despite the sharp criticism recently levelled at the Congress by senior SS(UBT) leader Ambadas Danve following the Bihar results. “We are confident that secular-minded voters will support the Congress' fight against the BJP-RSS in local body elections. We welcome backing from like-minded parties and hope to finalize understandings with some soon,” a state functionary hinted. Meanwhile, Chennithala’s firm stance has triggered speculation in political circles about whether the Congress’ informal ‘black-sheep' policy vis-a-vis certain parties will extend beyond the BMC polls.

Japan’s Iron Lady

Sanae Takaichi’s rise as Japan’s first female Prime Minister shatters a glass ceiling but cements the conservative foundations beneath it.

ree

In a country where patriarchal tradition has long dictated the boundaries of public life, Sanae Takaichi’s ascent to Japan’s premiership is a moment of striking symbolism. For young Japanese women, the image of a woman leading the nation evokes the tantalising promise of change. Yet for all its historic resonance, her victory also underscores a paradox: Japan’s first female Prime Minister may be among its most conservative leaders in decades.


Born in Nara and known for her no-nonsense demeanour, Takaichi, 64, has long modelled herself after Margaret Thatcher. Like her British idol, she relishes toughness, discipline and ideological clarity. Her campaign speeches bristled with language about “duty” and “hard work,” culminating in her declaration to parliament: “I will work, work, work.” To her admirers, she embodies the resilience Japan needs in an era of sluggish growth and demographic decline. To her critics, she personifies a leader who, whilst breaking the ultimate glass ceiling, has only reinforced the walls beneath it.


Her rise comes at a time when the ruling Liberal Democratic Party (LDP), which has governed Japan almost uninterrupted since 1955, faces internal disarray and public distrust. The party’s old guard, steeped in factionalism and money politics, was battered by the recent slush-fund scandal that forced Shigeru Ishiba to resign. The departure of Komeito, the LDP’s centrist coalition partner, further weakened the government. Takaichi’s election, backed by the right-wing base and bolstered by an alliance with the populist Japan Innovation Party (JIP), was thus both a necessity and a gamble. It was meant to consolidate the conservative bloc and prevent further drift toward Japan’s nationalist fringe.


Fierce Nationalist

The parallels with Thatcherism extend beyond tone. Like Thatcher, Takaichi champions small government, fiscal discipline and a muscular nationalism. She has argued for revising Japan’s pacifist constitution, originally drafted under American occupation, to grant the Self-Defence Forces the explicit right to act militarily abroad. In this, she reflects the LDP’s long-standing ambition to ‘normalise’ Japan’s defence posture amid an increasingly assertive China and an unpredictable North Korea.


Since the Meiji era, the Japanese state has fused nationalism with patriarchal family norms, encapsulated in the ideal of ‘ryōsai kenbo’— the ‘good wife, wise mother.’ Post-war reforms under American occupation formally granted women the right to vote and work, but corporate culture and social expectations kept most women tethered to the domestic sphere. Even today, women make up less than 15 percent of managerial positions and only around 10 percent of parliamentarians. The LDP, dominated by elderly male politicians, has done little to change this. Takaichi’s rise, paradoxically, was enabled not by a feminist wave but by the party’s internal arithmetic and the vacuum of credible conservative leadership.


Her premiership also speaks to broader geopolitical anxieties. Japan faces an increasingly hostile neighbourhood: Chinese naval incursions around the Senkaku Islands have become routine; North Korea continues to fire missiles over the Sea of Japan; and America’s security commitment, though reaffirmed under Joe Biden, remains shadowed by uncertainty. At home, an ageing electorate and stagnant wages fuel discontent. Takaichi’s call to “rebuild Japan through hard work” taps into nostalgia for the post-war decades when Japan’s industriousness powered its rise as an economic superpower. But such rhetoric may fall flat in a society where overwork has already taken a toll.


Internationally, Takaichi’s ascent could mark a rightward shift in Japan’s diplomacy. She is likely to maintain close ties with Washington but take a firmer line on Taiwan, aligning Japan more closely with the United States and Australia in their Indo-Pacific security agenda. Her scepticism toward China’s economic influence may lead to a cooling of relations that are already strained by territorial disputes and trade frictions. Domestically, however, her minority government will have to navigate a fractious Diet, where the LDP-JIP alliance remains two seats short of a majority.


In many ways, Takaichi’s leadership reflects Japan’s uneasy relationship with modernity: a society eager for renewal but wary of altering its foundations. Like Thatcher, she may prove transformative, but whether she transforms her country’s gender order or merely reinforces it remains to be seen. 


In the end, Japan’s first “Iron Lady” offers both inspiration and caution. She shatters a barrier but embodies the conservatism that built it. Her tenure will test not just her stamina but Japan’s ability to reconcile its reverence for tradition with the imperatives of change.


(The author is a researcher and expert in foreign affairs. Views personal.)

 

Comments


bottom of page