The Supreme Court of India has firmly rejected petitions seeking to expunge “socialist” and “secular” from the Preamble of the Constitution. This rebuke, nearly half a century after these terms were enshrined via the 42nd Amendment during the Emergency in 1976, underscores both the resilience of constitutional principles and the judiciary’s role as the guardian of India’s democratic ethos.
Critics have long pointed to its draconian context—the Emergency imposed by Indira Gandhi’s government—as grounds for its reassessment. But the judiciary was clear that timing alone does not invalidate legislative acts. The Court emphasized that these terms have since gained deep acceptance among Indians, becoming integral to the constitutional “weave.”
The Court delineated the Indian meanings of secularism and socialism, deflating objections rooted in rigid ideological frameworks. Secularism, it argued, was a facet of equality, mandating state neutrality in matters of faith and that it is not anathema to religious practices unless these impede public welfare or equity. Socialism, too, was recast not as an economic straitjacket but as a commitment to social justice and welfare, reflecting India’s mixed economy, where private enterprise thrives alongside public redistribution.
For the petitioners linked to the ruling BJP, this judicial verdict is a political setback. While their arguments resonated with segments critical of the Emergency-era legacy, they failed to convince the court of the harm caused by the inclusion of these words caused to governance or individual rights? Even the BJP, in its decades in power, has pursued economic liberalization and welfare programs without breaching the boundaries set by constitutional commitments.
The SC verdict means the BJP will now have to eschew courtroom theatrics for legislative reform. Parliament remains the proper forum to initiate such debates, and amendments require the assent of two-thirds of both houses, followed by ratification by half the state legislatures. This route, arduous though it may be, offers legitimacy that judicial decrees cannot.
The debate over secularism and socialism is not unique to India. Across the border, Bangladesh is wrestling with similar questions about its constitutional identity. Attorney General Mohammad Asazzaman recently proposed to remove “secularism” and “socialism” as guiding principles from the Bangladeshi Constitution. Unlike India, where these principles have been adapted to reflect its unique pluralistic ethos, Bangladesh’s approach signals a retreat from foundational ideals.
Either way, if the BJP intends to reshape the constitutional ethos in order to prove the detriment done by including secularism and socialism as part of the Constitution, the SC verdict proved it will have to do more to first convince the country of its vision. For now, the Court has reaffirmed that the Preamble is not just a preface but the soul of the Constitution.
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