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By:

Abhijit Mulye

21 August 2024 at 11:29:11 am

Shinde dilutes demand

Likely to be content with Deputy Mayor’s post in Mumbai Mumbai: In a decisive shift that redraws the power dynamics of Maharashtra’s urban politics, the standoff over the prestigious Mumbai Mayor’s post has ended with a strategic compromise. Following days of resort politics and intense backroom negotiations, the Eknath Shinde-led Shiv Sena has reportedly diluted its demand for the top job in the Brihanmumbai Municipal Corporation (BMC), settling instead for the Deputy Mayor’s post. This...

Shinde dilutes demand

Likely to be content with Deputy Mayor’s post in Mumbai Mumbai: In a decisive shift that redraws the power dynamics of Maharashtra’s urban politics, the standoff over the prestigious Mumbai Mayor’s post has ended with a strategic compromise. Following days of resort politics and intense backroom negotiations, the Eknath Shinde-led Shiv Sena has reportedly diluted its demand for the top job in the Brihanmumbai Municipal Corporation (BMC), settling instead for the Deputy Mayor’s post. This development, confirmed by high-ranking party insiders, follows the realization that the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) effectively ceded its claims on the Kalyan-Dombivali Municipal Corporation (KDMC) to protect the alliance, facilitating a “Mumbai for BJP, Kalyan for Shinde” power-sharing formula. The compromise marks a complete role reversal between the BJP and the Shiv Sena. Both the political parties were in alliance with each other for over 25 years before 2017 civic polls. Back then the BJP used to get the post of Deputy Mayor while the Shiv Sena always enjoyed the mayor’s position. In 2017 a surging BJP (82 seats) had paused its aggression to support the undivided Shiv Sena (84 seats), preferring to be out of power in the Corporation to keep the saffron alliance intact. Today, the numbers dictate a different reality. In the recently concluded elections BJP emerged as the single largest party in Mumbai with 89 seats, while the Shinde faction secured 29. Although the Shinde faction acted as the “kingmaker”—pushing the alliance past the majority mark of 114—the sheer numerical gap made their claim to the mayor’s post untenable in the long run. KDMC Factor The catalyst for this truce lies 40 kilometers north of Mumbai in Kalyan-Dombivali, a region considered the impregnable fortress of Eknath Shinde and his son, MP Shrikant Shinde. While the BJP performed exceptionally well in KDMC, winning 50 seats compared to the Shinde faction’s 53, the lotter for the reservation of mayor’s post in KDMC turned the tables decisively in favor of Shiv Sena there. In the lottery, the KDMC mayor’ post went to be reserved for the Scheduled Tribe candidate. The BJP doesn’t have any such candidate among elected corporatros in KDMC. This cleared the way for Shiv Sena. Also, the Shiv Sena tied hands with the MNS in the corporation effectively weakening the Shiv Sena (UBT)’s alliance with them. Party insiders suggest that once it became clear the BJP would not pursue the KDMC Mayor’s chair—effectively acknowledging it as Shinde’s fiefdom—he agreed to scale down his demands in the capital. “We have practically no hope of installing a BJP Mayor in Kalyan-Dombivali without shattering the alliance locally,” a Mumbai BJP secretary admitted and added, “Letting the KDMC become Shinde’s home turf is the price for securing the Mumbai Mayor’s bungalow for a BJP corporator for the first time in history.” The formal elections for the Mayoral posts are scheduled for later this month. While the opposition Maharashtra Vikas Aghadi (MVA)—led by the Shiv Sena (UBT)—has vowed to field candidates, the arithmetic heavily favors the ruling alliance. For Eknath Shinde, accepting the Deputy Mayor’s post in Mumbai is a tactical retreat. It allows him to consolidate his power in the MMR belt (Thane and Kalyan) while remaining a partner in Mumbai’s governance. For the BJP, this is a crowning moment; after playing second fiddle in the BMC for decades, they are poised to finally install their own “First Citizen” of Mumbai.

Lawless Maharashtra

Updated: Mar 3, 2025

The horrific rape of a 27-year-old woman inside a parked bus at Pune’s Swargate terminus just 100 meters from a police station has once again laid bare Maharashtra’s crumbling law and order. The fact that the accused, a habitual offender with multiple prior cases, was roaming freely on bail underscores the state’s utter failure to ensure public safety. As authorities scramble to track down the fugitive, the incident has predictably ignited a political storm, with the opposition MVA lambasting the ruling Mahayuti government for its lax governance and misplaced priorities.


That such a brazen crime could occur at Pune’s busiest transport hub, with 60,000 daily commuters and a police station within sight, is a damning indictment of the state’s security apparatus. The Maharashtra State Road Transport Corporation (MSRTC) has belatedly replaced guards and promised a report in seven days, but these reactive measures do little to inspire confidence. Commuters have long complained about the depot’s poor surveillance, unmanned buses and easy access for unauthorized vehicles. These concerns, systematically ignored, have now culminated in a tragedy that echoes India’s past failures on women’s safety.


The parallels with the 2012 Delhi gang rape and the 2024 Kolkata rape-murder are chilling. In each case, the crime took place in a public or supposedly secure location, highlighting the systemic apathy towards women’s safety. Despite high-profile protests and political grandstanding, little has changed on the ground. The outrage follows a predictable cycle of condemnations, promises of strict action and eventually, a return to complacency. Deputy Chief Minister Ajit Pawar’s call for capital punishment is rhetorical posturing at best.


The Pune police have deployed 13 special teams, eight of them from the Crime Branch, to track down the accused. That such an extensive manhunt is needed for an offender with a well-documented history speaks volumes about the inefficiency of the state’s policing. His criminal record, which includes at least six cases of theft, robbery and chain-snatching across Pune and Ahilyanagar, raises the fundamental question of why was he on bail in the first place? The judiciary, too, must confront its role in enabling repeat offenders.


Beyond apprehending the accused, the authorities must address the glaring security lapses at Swargate. The MSRTC’s history of failed safety measures is well-documented. After the 2012 Santosh Mane rampage, where a bus driver went on a killing spree, the corporation had promised tighter security. Yet, a decade later, lax enforcement persists. The removal of 23 security guards is merely cosmetic. Unless accountability is fixed at the highest levels, such tragedies will continue. Maharashtra needs a fundamental overhaul in its approach to public safety.


Political grandstanding will not make Pune’s women safer. Nor will token inquiries and reactive policing. Law and order, once a strong suit of the BJP, appears to have become its Achilles’ heel in Maharashtra. The fallout from this crime will sorely test the Mahayuti government’s credibility. If security reforms at transport hubs remain cosmetic, the government will struggle to convince citizens, particularly women, that they are safe. Maharashtra’s voters will not forget Swargate easily. Nor should they.

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