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By:

Chaitanya Giri

3 October 2024 at 5:27:32 am

India’s Space Programme in an Age of Polycrisis

In the first of a two-part series, we examine why India’s space programme must evolve for an age of wars and global instability, where old civilian-military binaries no longer suffice. In the lead-up to the multi-state assembly elections scheduled for April 2026, and subsequently during his international visit in May 2026, Prime Minister Narendra Modi consistently emphasised the substantial challenges the global community is currently facing, including ongoing conflicts, supply chain...

India’s Space Programme in an Age of Polycrisis

In the first of a two-part series, we examine why India’s space programme must evolve for an age of wars and global instability, where old civilian-military binaries no longer suffice. In the lead-up to the multi-state assembly elections scheduled for April 2026, and subsequently during his international visit in May 2026, Prime Minister Narendra Modi consistently emphasised the substantial challenges the global community is currently facing, including ongoing conflicts, supply chain disruptions, and the adverse secondary effects on the international economy and diplomatic relations. This was exemplified in his address to the diaspora in The Hague. “This decade is increasingly turning into a decade of disasters for the world. We can all see that if these conditions are not changed swiftly, the achievements of many past decades could be undone. A very large section of the world’s population could once again be pushed into the quagmire of poverty.” India’s ascent during the Amrit Kaal is contingent upon global geoeconomic stability and a prolonged period of peace, or at least a state lacking large-scale conflict. Despite the emergence of various conflicts, Prime Minister Modi consistently emphasised, “This is not the era of wars,” while the themes of the 2023 G20 presidency, ‘Vasudhaiva Kutumbakam,’ and the 2026 BRICS presidency, ‘Humanity First,’ highlighted the significance of the interconnected advancement of India and the international community. Notwithstanding this, in situations where ongoing reorganisation of the global hierarchy results in prolonged international conflicts, disruptions, and the decline of international standards, one of the many initiatives that the Government of India must contemporise is the core vision and mission of the Indian Space Research Organisation (ISRO). Trinary Space Fusion What are the expectations of the Prime Minister’s Office regarding the Indian space program? It is anticipated that the program will innovate in advanced space technologies, excel in space sciences, serve the most underserved segments of society, mitigate environmental stresses, assist in identifying remedial mechanisms, strengthen the national economy and societal indicators through the commercialisation of space endeavours, and, most importantly, ensure comprehensive national security. Since the space program clearly serves both military and non-military needs, Indian strategic circles have absorbed the two lexicons, ‘civil-military fusion’ and ‘civil-military integration’, originating in Chinese and United States strategic literature. Today, several proposals have been made to implement civil-military fusion within the Indian space ecosystem. However, is it a good model for India to approach? The two lexicons, civil-military fusion and its antecedent, civil-military integration, are products of Chinese strategic literature. Characterised by a clearly defined binary system, civil-military fusion receives substantial support from the highest echelons of authority - the General Secretary of the Communist Party of China. The Party has established a binary civilian-military control mechanism over space-based and terrestrial assets, financial flows, innovation capital, and associated returns. While the Central Military Commission serves as the military authority, the State Council, through several state-controlled enterprises, serves as the civilian authority. Flexible Binary The United States does not maintain a rigid civil-military binary. For the longest time, US commercial and civilian entities and institutions have held dedicated portfolios of civilian and defence projects. Following the transformation of the Department of Defense into the Department of War in 2025, the latter now serves as the principal integrator of all sensory data and intelligence collected from commercial space contractors, civilian space and scientific agencies such as the National Aeronautics and Space Administration, National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration, and United States Geological Survey, as well as Federally Funded Research and Development Centres. In both China and the United States, civilians not part of the military—operating both within and outside government structures—are increasingly functioning as co-workers of uniformed personnel. There are instances where they are also becoming co-workers with private military contractors and militias engaged in prolonged grey-zone armed conflicts. In India’s case, we have a trinary. For India, civilian space activities refer to the ‘nationalised’ space activities, fully operated by the executive arm of the government. This ecosystem comprises the Indian Space Research Organisation (ISRO), public sector undertakings, various ministries of the government, and a select band of private space contractors that work exclusively with nationalised financial and technological resources. In 2010, a small unit, known as the Integrated Space Cell, was established within the Integrated Defence Services Headquarters to dedicate certain ISRO-built assets for breaking the back of cross-border terrorism and ensuring peace along the Indian frontiers. By 2012, the Naresh Chandra Task Force had recommended the creation of an aerospace command. In 2019, the Integrated Space Cell was relegated, and the tri-service Defence Space Agency (DSA) and the Defence Space Research Agency (DSRA) were established. In 2026, a separate Defence Geospatial Agency (DGA) was created. While the Space Based Surveillance I and II were outputs of the ‘nationalised’ civil-military complex, with state-laboratories of ISRO and DRDO building and launching satellites, the upcoming Space Based Surveillance III has widened the horizons, with the third arm of the trinary, the stand-alone commercial space sector. Dual-Purpose Space Agencies Indian space strategy planners must, for the good, relinquish their understanding of dual-purpose technology development within the siloed civil-military binary. The Pentagon and the White House now clearly view NASA as one of the technological and sensor layers of the US space program, the other two being those built by the Pentagon and the US commercial space ecosystem. The United States’ ambitions in the lunar and cislunar regions are neither exclusively civilian—implying a pacifist or non-military nature—nor restricted to NASA. In March 2026, the United States relinquished its Lunar Gateway, a lunar orbital space station, and adopted a ‘Surface-First’ strategy to establish a permanent presence on the Moon. The strategic objective of the United States is to compete with the Chinese civil-military complex and to attain control of the lunar surface, regarded as the next strategic high ground. To this end, NASA, the United States Space Force, and the expansive US commercial space sector collaborate in concert. The decade of disasters and upheavals does not permit India the liberty to run mutually exclusive civilian, military, and commercial space programs. The fusion of the three has to happen. Space weather is a trinary pursuit, vital for scientists, armed forces, and commercial space operations. NAVIC is not only a civilian PNT system, but a strategic civil-military-commercial asset. Cislunar operations cannot be carried out solely by ISRO; the next military institution emerging from the DSA-DSRA-DGA combine, the aerospace command, will have a role to play in them. The changing character of space power now increasingly mirrors the changing character of geopolitics itself. Nations are no longer treating space merely as a theatre of scientific prestige or symbolic technological accomplishment. Space is rapidly becoming the infrastructure layer beneath global commerce, digital sovereignty, battlefield awareness, logistics, climate resilience and diplomatic leverage. In such an environment, countries that continue to compartmentalise their space sectors risk strategic obsolescence. India therefore confronts not merely a technological challenge, but a doctrinal one. The debate is no longer whether India should possess advanced space capabilities but whether those capabilities can be organised in a manner adequate for a fractured world order increasingly shaped by sanctions, proxy conflicts, technological blocs and weaponised interdependence. (The writer is a Space and Emerging Technology Fellow at the Centre for Security, Strategy and Technology, Observer Research Foundation, Mumbai.Views personal.)

Lethal Stockpile

Kim Jong Un’s enrichment drive revives old Cold War dilemmas in a new Asian theatre.

Few regimes are as adept at turning scarcity into menace as North Korea. A country where electricity is rationed and hunger is widespread has nonetheless managed to spin enough uranium through its centrifuges to amass a stockpile that could shake Asia’s strategic order. This week, in an unusually blunt estimate, South Korea alleged that Pyongyang now held some 2,000 kilograms of weapons-grade uranium, enough in theory to fashion nearly 50 nuclear bombs. For a state that has built its survival on the threat of annihilation, that is a geopolitical milestone.


The revelation is a reminder of how North Korea, one of the poorest and most isolated countries on earth, has mastered the darkest of modern technologies. Enrichment is no trivial undertaking; uranium must be spun through thousands of centrifuges before it reaches weapons-grade. That Pyongyang can now sustain production at four known sites suggests not only scientific expertise but also the procurement networks and covert supply chains that decades of sanctions were meant to crush.


The story of North Korea’s nuclear ambitions is a tale of broken promises. In the early 1990s, amid the collapse of the Soviet Union, Pyongyang agreed in principle to halt its weapons programme under the 1994 Agreed Framework with America. In return it was to receive aid and two light-water reactors. But mutual suspicion and political shifts in Washington meant that deal collapsed. North Korea pressed ahead, secretly enriching uranium while continuing to extract plutonium from spent fuel at its Yongbyon reactor.


Its first nuclear test in 2006 confirmed what intelligence services had long suspected. A cascade of sanctions followed, as did cycles of diplomatic courtship. The Six-Party Talks of the mid-2000s, involving America, China, Russia, Japan and both Koreas, yielded little more than temporary freezes. Each breakdown allowed Pyongyang to push its programme further, testing ever more powerful devices in 2009, 2013, 2016 and 2017. When Kim Jong Un met Donald Trump in Singapore in 2018, the prospect of disarmament briefly flickered. Yet subsequent summits collapsed on North Korea’s insistence on keeping its arsenal as the ultimate guarantee of regime survival.


Five to six kilograms of plutonium is enough for one bomb; 42 kilograms of weapons-grade uranium suffices for another. Pyongyang’s two tonnes of HEU therefore represent not just an incremental step but a leap. In theory, the regime could scale its arsenal to rival that of established mid-tier nuclear powers such as Britain or France. For America and its allies, it is one thing to face a handful of North Korean devices, another to confront dozens dispersed across hardened bunkers and mobile launchers.


This arithmetic also unnerves China. Though Beijing remains Pyongyang’s main economic lifeline, it has no wish to see instability on its northeastern border—or to encourage Japan and South Korea to pursue their own nuclear options. Tokyo already possesses the technology and fissile material to produce bombs within months; Seoul, too, debates the logic of an independent deterrent when faith in America’s ‘nuclear umbrella’ wavers. North Korea’s enrichment binge could therefore cascade into wider proliferation across Asia.


South Korea’s new president, Lee Jae Myung, promises a softer touch than his hawkish predecessor, Yoon Suk Yeol. His unification minister, however, warned that sanctions alone cannot work, calling instead for a direct summit between Pyongyang and Washington. That may be wishful. Kim Jong Un has already signalled that talks are possible only if his nuclear arsenal is accepted as permanent. For America, that remains anathema, not least because of the precedent it would set for other would-be nuclear states.


Once a state has mastered enrichment and weaponisation, rollback is virtually unheard of. The challenge then shifts from prevention to containment.


Two tonnes of uranium may be an abstraction. But it represents the hardening of a reality the world has long preferred to ignore: North Korea is no longer a threshold state but a de facto nuclear power, growing in strength. To treat it otherwise is to mistake hope for strategy.

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