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By:

Abhijit Mulye

21 August 2024 at 4:59:11 pm

MLC polls expose cracks in Mahayuti, MVA

AI Generated Image Mumbai: The upcoming Maharashtra Legislative Council (MLC) elections for the graduate and teacher constituencies have laid bare the deep-seated fissures within both the ruling Mahayuti and the opposition Maha Vikas Aghadi (MVA) alliances. In a significant development that could have far-reaching political implications, multiple rebel candidates, including prominent figures with strong party affiliations, have defied alliance dictates to file their nominations as...

MLC polls expose cracks in Mahayuti, MVA

AI Generated Image Mumbai: The upcoming Maharashtra Legislative Council (MLC) elections for the graduate and teacher constituencies have laid bare the deep-seated fissures within both the ruling Mahayuti and the opposition Maha Vikas Aghadi (MVA) alliances. In a significant development that could have far-reaching political implications, multiple rebel candidates, including prominent figures with strong party affiliations, have defied alliance dictates to file their nominations as independents, setting the stage for high-stakes, multi-cornered contests. Mahayuti Turmoil The Mahayuti alliance, comprising the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), the Eknath Shinde-led Shiv Sena, and the Ajit Pawar-led Nationalist Congress Party (NCP), is grappling with rebellion on multiple fronts. In the critical Nagpur Graduates constituency, a traditional BJP stronghold, former BJP MLC and Nagpur Mayor Anil Sole has thrown a spanner in the works by filing his nomination as an independent candidate. This move directly challenges the official BJP candidate, Sudhakar Kohale. While the BJP leadership, including state president Ravindra Chavan, has attempted to downplay the situation, asserting that Sole has been "pacified," the former MLC's actions tell a different story. Sole's decision to contest independently is particularly significant given his long-standing association with the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) and his previous stint as a BJP MLC from the very same constituency. The situation is equally complicated in the Amravati Teachers constituency. The Shiv Sena (Shinde faction) has officially fielded Kiran Sarnaik. However, adding to the confusion, Sangita Shinde, sister of BJP MP Anil Bonde, has also entered the fray, potentially splitting the Mahayuti vote. The opposition MVA is also facing its share of internal discord here. While the Congress has nominated Aditi Pohre, daughter of former minister Harshvardhan Deshmukh, the Shiv Sena (UBT) has fielded Dattatray Lahane. The presence of numerous candidates representing various teachers' organizations further complicates the electoral arithmetic in this constituency. Opposition Rebellion The Chhatrapati Sambhaji Nagar Graduates constituency has witnessed another surprise development. While the NCP's sitting MLC, Satish Chavan, was widely considered the frontrunner, the BJP's M.K. Deshmukh has unexpectedly filed his nomination as a rebel candidate, catching the Mahayuti leadership completely off guard. The MVA, too, is facing rebellion in this constituency. Although the seat was officially allocated to the NCP (Sharad Pawar faction), Shiv Sena (UBT)'s Dilip Ghuge has also filed his nomination, causing significant heartburn within the opposition alliance. The Pune constituencies present a microcosm of the larger alliance troubles. In the Pune Graduates constituency, the BJP has fielded Dr. Smita Jadhav, the daughter-in-law of Pratap Singh Jadhav, owner of the 'Pudhari' news group and niece of Congress leader Satej Patil. Adding intrigue to this contest is the fact that she is contesting against Harshada Deshmukh-Jadhav, the official candidate of the NCP (Sharad Pawar faction). However, the real drama is unfolding in the Pune Teachers constituency. The BJP's official candidate, Koustubh Gawde, is facing a formidable challenge from Mangesh Chiwate, a close confidant of Chief Minister Eknath Shinde. Chiwate, a former journalist who handled the CM's medical aid cell while Shinde was the CM, has claimed that his party leadership has provided him with the crucial 'AB' form, signaling official backing. Commenting on the chaotic situation, Chief Minister Devendra Fadnavis acknowledged that seat-sharing talks remained inconclusive in some areas but expressed hope that the alliance partners would eventually reach an agreement. The true picture of the electoral battlefield will only emerge after Friday, October 9th, the last date for the withdrawal of nominations. Until then, both alliances will be working overtime to contain the rebellions and present a united front, but the deep cracks exposed by these developments suggest that the upcoming MLC elections will be fiercely contested and highly unpredictable.

Lingua Pragmatica

Mar 19, 2025
3 min read

Updated: Mar 20, 2025

As Southern leaders like M.K. Stalin rage against Hindi, Andhra Pradesh’s Chief Minister Chandrababu Naidu offers a model of pragmatism over parochialism.

Chandrababu Naidu
Andhra Pradesh

Amid the cacophony of opposition in southern states to Hindi, Andhra Pradesh CM N. Chandrababu Naidu has taken a markedly pragmatic stance by remarking recently in the state Assembly that there was no harm in learning other languages. Hindi, Naidu noted, was useful for communication across India, particularly in political and commercial hubs like Delhi. His remarks, though avoiding explicit mention of the NEP, were widely seen as an endorsement of multilingualism and a rebuke to the linguistic chauvinism that has gripped parts of the South.


Few issues in India stir political passions quite like language. It is not merely a means of communication but a marker of identity, a relic of colonial resistance, and a source of political mobilization. In the southern states, where anti-Hindi sentiment has long been entrenched, the National Education Policy (NEP) 2020 and its three-language formula have reignited old tensions. No state embodies this defiance more than Tamil Nadu, where the ruling Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK) led by M.K. Stalin has framed the policy as an assault on its linguistic autonomy.


Naidu’s words, welcomed by his ally and Deputy Chief Minister Pawan Kalyan, mark a sharp contrast with the DMK’s position. Tamil Nadu’s hostility towards Hindi dates back to the 1930s, when C. Rajagopalachari’s attempt to introduce it in schools met with fierce resistance. The anti-Hindi agitations of the 1960s cemented the DMK’s ideological stance, with its first Chief Minister, C.N. Annadurai, famously warning that Hindi imposition could push Tamil Nadu towards secession.


The question, however, is whether this rigid opposition serves Tamil Nadu’s interests. While Stalin, with an eye to the upcoming Tamil Nadu Assembly polls, has been relentlessly portraying Hindi as a threat to his state’s regional identity, Naidu, a partner of the BJP-led Centre, is framing it as a tool for economic mobility. His argument is not that Hindi should replace Telugu or English but that it offers a competitive advantage.


The economic case for multilingualism is compelling. Indians who speak multiple languages tend to have better job prospects, higher earnings and greater geographic mobility. Andhra Pradesh’s Telugu-speaking diaspora is a case in point. Telugus make up a significant proportion of Indian-origin professionals in the United States, the Gulf, and Southeast Asia as Naidu pointed out, hinting that this success story was built not on linguistic rigidity but on adaptability.


In a country where inter-state migration is rising and where Hindi remains the most widely spoken language, refusing to learn it amounts to self-imposed isolation. Tamil Nadu’s approach, by contrast, risks limiting its youth. The DMK government has refused to implement the three-language policy, keeping schools strictly bilingual with Tamil and English. Its justification that Hindi is not necessary for global success could be true in a narrow sense but ignores the domestic context. If Tamil filmmakers can dub their movies into Hindi to expand their audience, why should Tamil students be denied access to the language that could open more doors for them within India?


The DMK has accused successive central governments, particularly under the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), of pushing Hindi at the expense of regional languages. Yet, rejecting Hindi outright is an overcorrection. The reality is that Hindi is an important language in India’s economic and political landscape. Naidu’s position, one of accommodation rather than confrontation, offers a middle ground that other Southern leaders would do well to consider.


Some states already recognize this. Karnataka, despite its own history of linguistic pride, has allowed Hindi to be taught as an optional language. Kerala, whose migrants work in Hindi-speaking regions and the Gulf, has been less hostile to Hindi education. Naidu’s model, balancing regional identity with practical necessity, offers a way forward. Languages should be embraced, not politicized. Southern leaders would do well to listen to him.

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