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By:

Waleed Hussain

4 March 2025 at 2:34:30 pm

RCB steaming in to IPL 2026

RCB's bowling attack enters IPL 2026 as a pace-dominant unit that powered their maiden title win in 2025, but defending the crown demands addressing spin vulnerabilities and injury risks. This SWOT analysis reveals a transformed attack capable of contending, yet not invincible against evolving T20 tactics. Strengths RCB's pace trio of Josh Hazlewood, Bhuvneshwar Kumar, and Yash Dayal forms a world-class core, blending swing, bounce, and left-arm angle variation. Hazlewood's 22 wickets at...

RCB steaming in to IPL 2026

RCB's bowling attack enters IPL 2026 as a pace-dominant unit that powered their maiden title win in 2025, but defending the crown demands addressing spin vulnerabilities and injury risks. This SWOT analysis reveals a transformed attack capable of contending, yet not invincible against evolving T20 tactics. Strengths RCB's pace trio of Josh Hazlewood, Bhuvneshwar Kumar, and Yash Dayal forms a world-class core, blending swing, bounce, and left-arm angle variation. Hazlewood's 22 wickets at 17.55 in IPL 2025 showcased his powerplay and death-over mastery, while Bhuvneshwar's economy under 8 provided control on flat tracks. All-rounders like Krunal Pandya (key wickets in finals) and new buys Venkatesh Iyer and Romario Shepherd add seam options and balance, enabling flexible overseas slots with Jacob Duffy and Nuwan Thushara as backups. This depth turned RCB's historic bowling weakness into a title-winning asset last season. Weaknesses Spin remains RCB's Achilles' heel, lacking a consistent middle-overs wicket-taker despite Suyash Sharma's retention and Vicky Ostwal's addition. Suyash managed only 8 wickets at 8.84 economy in 2025, excelling in containment but faltering on turning pitches, forcing over-reliance on Krunal's left-arm spin. Age (Hazlewood and Bhuvneshwar at 34-35) and injury histories pose risks, as seen in Hazlewood's prior calf issues, potentially exposing thinner domestic pace like Rasikh Dar or Abhinandan Singh. Uncapped buys like Mangesh Yadav offer promise but unproven IPL pedigree under playoff pressure. Opportunities IPL 2026's mini-auction additions like Duffy (death specialist) and Iyer (medium-pace variety) allow tactical experimentation on batting-friendly Indian pitches. Home advantage at Chinnaswamy's short boundaries favors their high-pace attack, where swing early and yorkers late can defend 200-plus totals, as proven in 2025 defenses. Emerging Indian talents (Dayal, Ostwal) could step up amid India's T20 World Cup cycle, while opponents' spin-heavy strategies (e.g., CSK's Noor Ahmad) create matchups for RCB's seamers to dominate powerplays. Title momentum fosters mental edge, positioning RCB to poach form players mid-season if needed. Threats Defending champions face heightened scrutiny, with rivals like KKR (Cameron Green at Rs 25cr) bolstering all-round attacks to target RCB's spin gaps on slower venues like Chennai or Lucknow. Batter-friendly IPL trends—record 2025 sixes in finals—amplify threats from power-hitters like PBKS's Shashank Singh, who troubled RCB before. Injury clusters could deplete overseas options (max 4), straining uncapped depth amid congested schedules. Budget constraints post-retentions (Rs 16.4cr spent judiciously) limit mid-season fixes if form dips, echoing past chokes despite strong paper squads. Path Forward RCB's bowlers must prioritize spin drills and workload management to sustain 2025 form (top-3 powerplay wickets). Rajat Patidar's captaincy can leverage data analytics for pitch-specific combos, blending Hazlewood's strike with Krunal's control. If they plug spin via Suyash's growth or Ostwal's breakout, repeat glory beckons; otherwise, pace alone won't suffice against IPL's batting evolution. Defending demands evolution, not complacency—RCB's attack has the bones, but execution will define their legacy. (The writer is a senior journalist based in Mumbai. Views personal.)

Lingua Pragmatica

Updated: Mar 20, 2025

As Southern leaders like M.K. Stalin rage against Hindi, Andhra Pradesh’s Chief Minister Chandrababu Naidu offers a model of pragmatism over parochialism.

Chandrababu Naidu
Andhra Pradesh

Amid the cacophony of opposition in southern states to Hindi, Andhra Pradesh CM N. Chandrababu Naidu has taken a markedly pragmatic stance by remarking recently in the state Assembly that there was no harm in learning other languages. Hindi, Naidu noted, was useful for communication across India, particularly in political and commercial hubs like Delhi. His remarks, though avoiding explicit mention of the NEP, were widely seen as an endorsement of multilingualism and a rebuke to the linguistic chauvinism that has gripped parts of the South.


Few issues in India stir political passions quite like language. It is not merely a means of communication but a marker of identity, a relic of colonial resistance, and a source of political mobilization. In the southern states, where anti-Hindi sentiment has long been entrenched, the National Education Policy (NEP) 2020 and its three-language formula have reignited old tensions. No state embodies this defiance more than Tamil Nadu, where the ruling Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK) led by M.K. Stalin has framed the policy as an assault on its linguistic autonomy.


Naidu’s words, welcomed by his ally and Deputy Chief Minister Pawan Kalyan, mark a sharp contrast with the DMK’s position. Tamil Nadu’s hostility towards Hindi dates back to the 1930s, when C. Rajagopalachari’s attempt to introduce it in schools met with fierce resistance. The anti-Hindi agitations of the 1960s cemented the DMK’s ideological stance, with its first Chief Minister, C.N. Annadurai, famously warning that Hindi imposition could push Tamil Nadu towards secession.


The question, however, is whether this rigid opposition serves Tamil Nadu’s interests. While Stalin, with an eye to the upcoming Tamil Nadu Assembly polls, has been relentlessly portraying Hindi as a threat to his state’s regional identity, Naidu, a partner of the BJP-led Centre, is framing it as a tool for economic mobility. His argument is not that Hindi should replace Telugu or English but that it offers a competitive advantage.


The economic case for multilingualism is compelling. Indians who speak multiple languages tend to have better job prospects, higher earnings and greater geographic mobility. Andhra Pradesh’s Telugu-speaking diaspora is a case in point. Telugus make up a significant proportion of Indian-origin professionals in the United States, the Gulf, and Southeast Asia as Naidu pointed out, hinting that this success story was built not on linguistic rigidity but on adaptability.


In a country where inter-state migration is rising and where Hindi remains the most widely spoken language, refusing to learn it amounts to self-imposed isolation. Tamil Nadu’s approach, by contrast, risks limiting its youth. The DMK government has refused to implement the three-language policy, keeping schools strictly bilingual with Tamil and English. Its justification that Hindi is not necessary for global success could be true in a narrow sense but ignores the domestic context. If Tamil filmmakers can dub their movies into Hindi to expand their audience, why should Tamil students be denied access to the language that could open more doors for them within India?


The DMK has accused successive central governments, particularly under the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), of pushing Hindi at the expense of regional languages. Yet, rejecting Hindi outright is an overcorrection. The reality is that Hindi is an important language in India’s economic and political landscape. Naidu’s position, one of accommodation rather than confrontation, offers a middle ground that other Southern leaders would do well to consider.


Some states already recognize this. Karnataka, despite its own history of linguistic pride, has allowed Hindi to be taught as an optional language. Kerala, whose migrants work in Hindi-speaking regions and the Gulf, has been less hostile to Hindi education. Naidu’s model, balancing regional identity with practical necessity, offers a way forward. Languages should be embraced, not politicized. Southern leaders would do well to listen to him.

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