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By:

Rajendra Joshi

3 December 2024 at 9:20:26 am

Pakistan eyes India’s sugar shortage

Kolhapur: Twenty-seven years after the controversial “Sugar Gate” episode during the Atal Bihari Vajpayee government, Pakistan is once again eyeing India’s sugar market, this time seeking permission to export up to 1.2 million tonnes of sugar to India amid a tightening domestic supply situation and a sharp rise in prices. The Pakistan Sugar Mills Association has approached the Pakistan government seeking approval to export up to 1.2 million tonnes of surplus sugar to India. The proposal comes...

Pakistan eyes India’s sugar shortage

Kolhapur: Twenty-seven years after the controversial “Sugar Gate” episode during the Atal Bihari Vajpayee government, Pakistan is once again eyeing India’s sugar market, this time seeking permission to export up to 1.2 million tonnes of sugar to India amid a tightening domestic supply situation and a sharp rise in prices. The Pakistan Sugar Mills Association has approached the Pakistan government seeking approval to export up to 1.2 million tonnes of surplus sugar to India. The proposal comes days after India permitted duty-free imports of one million tonnes of sugar to cool domestic prices, raising the possibility of Pakistani sugar entering the Indian market. The proposed exports are significant against the backdrop of the controversy that erupted in Parliament in August 1999, when India imported sugar to address a domestic shortage. The Congress had then alleged that a substantial portion of the imports came from Pakistan and accused the Vajpayee-led BJP government of favouring sugar mills linked to the family of then Pakistani Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif. The government rejected the allegations, but the episode became a major political controversy. The latest development has acquired added significance because India is again facing a delicate demand-supply situation in sugar. Prices have surged sharply, with retail sugar prices nearing the Rs 70-a-kg mark in several markets. The Centre’s decision to allow one million tonnes of duty-free imports is aimed at improving domestic availability and containing prices ahead of the festival season. Pakistan’s sugar industry sees an opportunity in the situation. According to the Pakistan Sugar Mills Association, Pakistan had around 2.8 million tonnes of sugar stocks as of August 15, while monthly domestic consumption is estimated at about 550,000 tonnes. Pakistan’s sugar industry has also highlighted the country’s foreign-exchange constraints. The timing of the proposal is therefore significant. India’s decision to open a window for duty-free sugar imports has created an opportunity for Pakistan’s sugar industry to dispose of its surplus stocks while earning valuable foreign exchange. For India, however, any proposal to source sugar from Pakistan is likely to carry political as well as economic implications. The memory of the 1999 “Sugar Gate” controversy remains relevant, particularly because the proposed Pakistani exports come at a time when sugar prices and domestic availability have once again become politically sensitive issues. Whether Pakistan is eventually permitted to enter the Indian sugar market remains to be seen. But the request has already revived memories of a controversy that once shook Parliament and has placed Pakistan’s surplus sugar stocks squarely in the spotlight of India’s current sugar crisis.

Lingua Pragmatica

Updated: Mar 20, 2025

As Southern leaders like M.K. Stalin rage against Hindi, Andhra Pradesh’s Chief Minister Chandrababu Naidu offers a model of pragmatism over parochialism.

Chandrababu Naidu
Andhra Pradesh

Amid the cacophony of opposition in southern states to Hindi, Andhra Pradesh CM N. Chandrababu Naidu has taken a markedly pragmatic stance by remarking recently in the state Assembly that there was no harm in learning other languages. Hindi, Naidu noted, was useful for communication across India, particularly in political and commercial hubs like Delhi. His remarks, though avoiding explicit mention of the NEP, were widely seen as an endorsement of multilingualism and a rebuke to the linguistic chauvinism that has gripped parts of the South.


Few issues in India stir political passions quite like language. It is not merely a means of communication but a marker of identity, a relic of colonial resistance, and a source of political mobilization. In the southern states, where anti-Hindi sentiment has long been entrenched, the National Education Policy (NEP) 2020 and its three-language formula have reignited old tensions. No state embodies this defiance more than Tamil Nadu, where the ruling Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK) led by M.K. Stalin has framed the policy as an assault on its linguistic autonomy.


Naidu’s words, welcomed by his ally and Deputy Chief Minister Pawan Kalyan, mark a sharp contrast with the DMK’s position. Tamil Nadu’s hostility towards Hindi dates back to the 1930s, when C. Rajagopalachari’s attempt to introduce it in schools met with fierce resistance. The anti-Hindi agitations of the 1960s cemented the DMK’s ideological stance, with its first Chief Minister, C.N. Annadurai, famously warning that Hindi imposition could push Tamil Nadu towards secession.


The question, however, is whether this rigid opposition serves Tamil Nadu’s interests. While Stalin, with an eye to the upcoming Tamil Nadu Assembly polls, has been relentlessly portraying Hindi as a threat to his state’s regional identity, Naidu, a partner of the BJP-led Centre, is framing it as a tool for economic mobility. His argument is not that Hindi should replace Telugu or English but that it offers a competitive advantage.


The economic case for multilingualism is compelling. Indians who speak multiple languages tend to have better job prospects, higher earnings and greater geographic mobility. Andhra Pradesh’s Telugu-speaking diaspora is a case in point. Telugus make up a significant proportion of Indian-origin professionals in the United States, the Gulf, and Southeast Asia as Naidu pointed out, hinting that this success story was built not on linguistic rigidity but on adaptability.


In a country where inter-state migration is rising and where Hindi remains the most widely spoken language, refusing to learn it amounts to self-imposed isolation. Tamil Nadu’s approach, by contrast, risks limiting its youth. The DMK government has refused to implement the three-language policy, keeping schools strictly bilingual with Tamil and English. Its justification that Hindi is not necessary for global success could be true in a narrow sense but ignores the domestic context. If Tamil filmmakers can dub their movies into Hindi to expand their audience, why should Tamil students be denied access to the language that could open more doors for them within India?


The DMK has accused successive central governments, particularly under the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), of pushing Hindi at the expense of regional languages. Yet, rejecting Hindi outright is an overcorrection. The reality is that Hindi is an important language in India’s economic and political landscape. Naidu’s position, one of accommodation rather than confrontation, offers a middle ground that other Southern leaders would do well to consider.


Some states already recognize this. Karnataka, despite its own history of linguistic pride, has allowed Hindi to be taught as an optional language. Kerala, whose migrants work in Hindi-speaking regions and the Gulf, has been less hostile to Hindi education. Naidu’s model, balancing regional identity with practical necessity, offers a way forward. Languages should be embraced, not politicized. Southern leaders would do well to listen to him.

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