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By:

Quaid Najmi

4 January 2025 at 8:56:24 pm

Political row splits 110-day-old CJP

Mumbai: In an abrupt development, the 110-day old Cockroach Janta Party (CJP) founded by Maharashtra’s Abhijeet Dipke has reportedly split with a Gujarat-based activist Manish Brahmbhatt announcing a rival ‘CJP-Democratic’ – amid political accusations hurled at each other. Announcing the new faction in New Delhi today, Brahmbhatt claimed that the original CJP which emerged from a movement built on the blood and sweat of people subsequently transformed itself solely into a handpicked team...

Political row splits 110-day-old CJP

Mumbai: In an abrupt development, the 110-day old Cockroach Janta Party (CJP) founded by Maharashtra’s Abhijeet Dipke has reportedly split with a Gujarat-based activist Manish Brahmbhatt announcing a rival ‘CJP-Democratic’ – amid political accusations hurled at each other. Announcing the new faction in New Delhi today, Brahmbhatt claimed that the original CJP which emerged from a movement built on the blood and sweat of people subsequently transformed itself solely into a handpicked team for Aam Aadmi Party (AAP) President and former Delhi Chief Minister Arvind Kejriwal. “Their aim is to engage in political deals. They show no interest in fighting for the issues faced by students or people from other states; instead, acting merely at Kejriwal’s behest, they want to oppose the BJP only to support parties that are anti-BJP....,” declared Brahmbhatt. He asked why only a handful of people involved in the CJP are from the AAP though the movement had attracted people from all over the country and belonging to Congress, Bharatiya Janata Party, Shiv Sena (UBT), RJD and others. “Not a single volunteer or protester from those groups is included here. They utilised women, yet there is no female face – besides a spokesperson. They exploited Muslims and Sikhs, who opened langars and Gurudwaras, but they have no representation. Even students are kept out though it was a students' movement fighting against exam paper leaks,” said Brahmbhatt in a no-holds-barred attack on Dipke. Strongly refuting the charges, Dipke denied that CJP is controlled or funded by any political party, or functioning as a ’B Team’ for any other political entity. “Maharashtra CM says I am Congress' 'B' team; some others claim I am AAPs 'B' team... Actually we are the 'A' team of the students. We remain independent, work as a pressure group and committed to grassroots students issues and education reforms,” said Dipke today. Unfazed, Brahmbhatt accused Dipke of forming a “12-member team right from his home” without taking into confidence any of the original activists or persons linked with the CJP in the past nearly four months. “Nobody associated with the movement was consulted or invited… What criteria were used for these (12-strong) appointments? Eight persons linked to the AAP plus his female friends and college buddies, are inducted,” alleged Brahmbhatt, justifying the launch of CJP-D intended to mobilise the collective strength of the younger masses. He said activists had demanded five representatives from every state to prevent any single individual from taking unilateral decisions or behaving like a ‘dictatorial king’, but “the proposal was rejected” with Kejriwal – who suggested the idea for such a team - now allegedly hijacking the movement. Despite repeated attempts by The Perfect Voice, Dipke was not available for comments on the matter. Launched on May 16, by a Abhijeet Dipke, 30, the CJP sought to turn the ‘cockroach’ label for unemployed and politically conscious youth into a symbol of dissent and protest, bringing together students angry over examination-paper leaks and wider concerns about the education system and youth opportunities. The online movement quickly snowballed into a mass pressure group and semi-political youth movement, drawing support and attention from sections of mainstream political parties and celebrities. At that time, Dipke had described it as ‘a new platform for all Cockroaches” – hogging global attention - but barely 110-days later, it was hit with a purported vertical split.

Lingua Pragmatica

Updated: Mar 20, 2025

As Southern leaders like M.K. Stalin rage against Hindi, Andhra Pradesh’s Chief Minister Chandrababu Naidu offers a model of pragmatism over parochialism.

Chandrababu Naidu
Andhra Pradesh

Amid the cacophony of opposition in southern states to Hindi, Andhra Pradesh CM N. Chandrababu Naidu has taken a markedly pragmatic stance by remarking recently in the state Assembly that there was no harm in learning other languages. Hindi, Naidu noted, was useful for communication across India, particularly in political and commercial hubs like Delhi. His remarks, though avoiding explicit mention of the NEP, were widely seen as an endorsement of multilingualism and a rebuke to the linguistic chauvinism that has gripped parts of the South.


Few issues in India stir political passions quite like language. It is not merely a means of communication but a marker of identity, a relic of colonial resistance, and a source of political mobilization. In the southern states, where anti-Hindi sentiment has long been entrenched, the National Education Policy (NEP) 2020 and its three-language formula have reignited old tensions. No state embodies this defiance more than Tamil Nadu, where the ruling Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK) led by M.K. Stalin has framed the policy as an assault on its linguistic autonomy.


Naidu’s words, welcomed by his ally and Deputy Chief Minister Pawan Kalyan, mark a sharp contrast with the DMK’s position. Tamil Nadu’s hostility towards Hindi dates back to the 1930s, when C. Rajagopalachari’s attempt to introduce it in schools met with fierce resistance. The anti-Hindi agitations of the 1960s cemented the DMK’s ideological stance, with its first Chief Minister, C.N. Annadurai, famously warning that Hindi imposition could push Tamil Nadu towards secession.


The question, however, is whether this rigid opposition serves Tamil Nadu’s interests. While Stalin, with an eye to the upcoming Tamil Nadu Assembly polls, has been relentlessly portraying Hindi as a threat to his state’s regional identity, Naidu, a partner of the BJP-led Centre, is framing it as a tool for economic mobility. His argument is not that Hindi should replace Telugu or English but that it offers a competitive advantage.


The economic case for multilingualism is compelling. Indians who speak multiple languages tend to have better job prospects, higher earnings and greater geographic mobility. Andhra Pradesh’s Telugu-speaking diaspora is a case in point. Telugus make up a significant proportion of Indian-origin professionals in the United States, the Gulf, and Southeast Asia as Naidu pointed out, hinting that this success story was built not on linguistic rigidity but on adaptability.


In a country where inter-state migration is rising and where Hindi remains the most widely spoken language, refusing to learn it amounts to self-imposed isolation. Tamil Nadu’s approach, by contrast, risks limiting its youth. The DMK government has refused to implement the three-language policy, keeping schools strictly bilingual with Tamil and English. Its justification that Hindi is not necessary for global success could be true in a narrow sense but ignores the domestic context. If Tamil filmmakers can dub their movies into Hindi to expand their audience, why should Tamil students be denied access to the language that could open more doors for them within India?


The DMK has accused successive central governments, particularly under the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), of pushing Hindi at the expense of regional languages. Yet, rejecting Hindi outright is an overcorrection. The reality is that Hindi is an important language in India’s economic and political landscape. Naidu’s position, one of accommodation rather than confrontation, offers a middle ground that other Southern leaders would do well to consider.


Some states already recognize this. Karnataka, despite its own history of linguistic pride, has allowed Hindi to be taught as an optional language. Kerala, whose migrants work in Hindi-speaking regions and the Gulf, has been less hostile to Hindi education. Naidu’s model, balancing regional identity with practical necessity, offers a way forward. Languages should be embraced, not politicized. Southern leaders would do well to listen to him.

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