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By:

Quaid Najmi

4 January 2025 at 3:26:24 pm

Four MLAs miss Thackeray’s meeting

Mumbai: As the rebel six MPs were proudly showcased before the media in a grand event by Shiv Sena President and Deputy Chief Minister, Eknath Shinde, ex-CM and Shiv Sena (UBT) supremo Uddhav Thackeray summoned his entire flock of lawmakers for a headcount – and discovered that four were allegedly ‘missing’, on Monday. The development came after a similar meeting last week of its nine Lok Sabha MPs saw only three in attendance and the six prospective turncoats proclaimed loyalty in the...

Four MLAs miss Thackeray’s meeting

Mumbai: As the rebel six MPs were proudly showcased before the media in a grand event by Shiv Sena President and Deputy Chief Minister, Eknath Shinde, ex-CM and Shiv Sena (UBT) supremo Uddhav Thackeray summoned his entire flock of lawmakers for a headcount – and discovered that four were allegedly ‘missing’, on Monday. The development came after a similar meeting last week of its nine Lok Sabha MPs saw only three in attendance and the six prospective turncoats proclaimed loyalty in the names of their parents and children or Shirdi Saibaba and Goddess Tulja Bhavani – all came to nought as the subsequent dramatic events that unfolded confirmed. Against the backdrop of that ugly butcher-cut, Thackeray had convened a meeting of all SS (UBT) MLAs and MLCs this afternoon. Out of 20 MLAs, 16 were present on Monday, besides five MLCs, as the party fortified itself to keep the hunting wolf away from its pen. A senior party leader assured that the four MLAs who stayed away had given valid reasons for their absence to the top SS (UBT) brass, which is strategising on how to prevent another assault on its strength – the second brazen one in four years. This time, the SS (UBT) leaders are even more nervous as Shiv Sena leader Ramdas Kadam claimed today that “another MP” is veering towards them. Earlier, other Shiv Sena leaders made the SS (UBT) even more jumpy with dark predictions that “at least 14-15 MLAs” would soon join their camp. In Monday’s meeting, Thackeray and other leaders urged the remaining MLAs and MLCs to put up a united show of strength, fan out into their respective constituencies, connect with their party cadres and public outreach, remain aggressive and try to put the government on the mat with burning issues like farmers distress, unemployment, inflation, water scarcity, etc. While reiterating that those who wanted to leave would not be stopped, the Thackeray father-son duo alleged that the Mahayuti was diverting public funds to ‘buy MPs’ while discarding actual governance or implementing public oriented schemes. SS(UBT) lawmakers’ roll-call The MLAs present at meeting: Aaditya Thackeray, Ajay Chaudhari, Bhaskar Jadhav, Babaji Kale, Bala Nar, Dilip Sopal, Gajanan Lavte, Harun Khan, Kailas Patil, Manoj Jamsutkar, Nitin Deshmukh, Pravin Swami, Sunil Raut, Siddharth Kharat, Sunil Prabhu and Varun Sardesai. The MLCs who attended: Anil Parab, Sachin Ahir, Milind Narvekar, Ambadas Danve and Jagannath Abhyankar. The legislators conspicuous by their absence: Rahul Patil (tied up in the Legislative Council counting); Sanjay Derkar and Sunil Shinde (both in their native places); and Sanjay Potnis whose reasons for keeping away were not immediately clear.

Lingua Pragmatica

Updated: Mar 20, 2025

As Southern leaders like M.K. Stalin rage against Hindi, Andhra Pradesh’s Chief Minister Chandrababu Naidu offers a model of pragmatism over parochialism.

Chandrababu Naidu
Andhra Pradesh

Amid the cacophony of opposition in southern states to Hindi, Andhra Pradesh CM N. Chandrababu Naidu has taken a markedly pragmatic stance by remarking recently in the state Assembly that there was no harm in learning other languages. Hindi, Naidu noted, was useful for communication across India, particularly in political and commercial hubs like Delhi. His remarks, though avoiding explicit mention of the NEP, were widely seen as an endorsement of multilingualism and a rebuke to the linguistic chauvinism that has gripped parts of the South.


Few issues in India stir political passions quite like language. It is not merely a means of communication but a marker of identity, a relic of colonial resistance, and a source of political mobilization. In the southern states, where anti-Hindi sentiment has long been entrenched, the National Education Policy (NEP) 2020 and its three-language formula have reignited old tensions. No state embodies this defiance more than Tamil Nadu, where the ruling Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK) led by M.K. Stalin has framed the policy as an assault on its linguistic autonomy.


Naidu’s words, welcomed by his ally and Deputy Chief Minister Pawan Kalyan, mark a sharp contrast with the DMK’s position. Tamil Nadu’s hostility towards Hindi dates back to the 1930s, when C. Rajagopalachari’s attempt to introduce it in schools met with fierce resistance. The anti-Hindi agitations of the 1960s cemented the DMK’s ideological stance, with its first Chief Minister, C.N. Annadurai, famously warning that Hindi imposition could push Tamil Nadu towards secession.


The question, however, is whether this rigid opposition serves Tamil Nadu’s interests. While Stalin, with an eye to the upcoming Tamil Nadu Assembly polls, has been relentlessly portraying Hindi as a threat to his state’s regional identity, Naidu, a partner of the BJP-led Centre, is framing it as a tool for economic mobility. His argument is not that Hindi should replace Telugu or English but that it offers a competitive advantage.


The economic case for multilingualism is compelling. Indians who speak multiple languages tend to have better job prospects, higher earnings and greater geographic mobility. Andhra Pradesh’s Telugu-speaking diaspora is a case in point. Telugus make up a significant proportion of Indian-origin professionals in the United States, the Gulf, and Southeast Asia as Naidu pointed out, hinting that this success story was built not on linguistic rigidity but on adaptability.


In a country where inter-state migration is rising and where Hindi remains the most widely spoken language, refusing to learn it amounts to self-imposed isolation. Tamil Nadu’s approach, by contrast, risks limiting its youth. The DMK government has refused to implement the three-language policy, keeping schools strictly bilingual with Tamil and English. Its justification that Hindi is not necessary for global success could be true in a narrow sense but ignores the domestic context. If Tamil filmmakers can dub their movies into Hindi to expand their audience, why should Tamil students be denied access to the language that could open more doors for them within India?


The DMK has accused successive central governments, particularly under the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), of pushing Hindi at the expense of regional languages. Yet, rejecting Hindi outright is an overcorrection. The reality is that Hindi is an important language in India’s economic and political landscape. Naidu’s position, one of accommodation rather than confrontation, offers a middle ground that other Southern leaders would do well to consider.


Some states already recognize this. Karnataka, despite its own history of linguistic pride, has allowed Hindi to be taught as an optional language. Kerala, whose migrants work in Hindi-speaking regions and the Gulf, has been less hostile to Hindi education. Naidu’s model, balancing regional identity with practical necessity, offers a way forward. Languages should be embraced, not politicized. Southern leaders would do well to listen to him.

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