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By:

Abhijit Mulye

21 August 2024 at 4:59:11 pm

Tawde’s journey from exile to UP fortress

Mumbai: In 2014, when Narendra Modi first ascended to the Prime Minister’s office, he entrusted the politically complex and electorally decisive state of Uttar Pradesh to his closest confidant, Amit Shah. Now, in a move that has sent ripples through the corridors of power, the Bharatiya Janata Party has bestowed that exact strategic mantle upon its National General Secretary, Vinod Tawde. With the crucial Uttar Pradesh assembly elections looming just a year away in 2027, Tawde’s appointment...

Tawde’s journey from exile to UP fortress

Mumbai: In 2014, when Narendra Modi first ascended to the Prime Minister’s office, he entrusted the politically complex and electorally decisive state of Uttar Pradesh to his closest confidant, Amit Shah. Now, in a move that has sent ripples through the corridors of power, the Bharatiya Janata Party has bestowed that exact strategic mantle upon its National General Secretary, Vinod Tawde. With the crucial Uttar Pradesh assembly elections looming just a year away in 2027, Tawde’s appointment as the state in-charge is a masterstroke of political rehabilitation and trust. While many political pundits anticipated Tawde might replace Dharmendra Pradhan in the Modi cabinet, the high command had a far more vital organizational mission in mind for the leader who, remarkably, found himself politically uprooted from his home turf of Maharashtra barely seven years ago. Serving as the Education Minister in the Devendra Fadnavis-led Maharashtra government, Tawde was a prominent and powerful face of the state BJP. However, the political winds shifted abruptly prior to the 2019 assembly elections. In a move that shocked many, his portfolios were drastically curtailed and handed over to Ashish Shelar, followed by the ultimate political blow: he was denied a ticket to contest from his stronghold constituency of Borivali. Whispers of a fierce, underlying political rivalry with Fadnavis flooded political circles, with widespread speculation suggesting that the Chief Minister had orchestrated the systematic downsizing of Tawde’s administrative influence to neutralize a potential competitor. Faced with a sudden, humiliating political exile, Tawde stood at a crossroads where many regional leaders opt for rebellion. Instead, he chose the path of extreme discipline, absorbing the setback and redirecting his focus entirely on national politics. Leveraging his deep, foundational roots in the Akhil Bharatiya Vidyarthi Parishad (ABVP), Tawde utilized his vast organizational network—a residual strength that survived his loss of ministerial power. His political resurrection was championed by the then-BJP President J.P. Nadda, a fellow ABVP alumnus who shared a profound camaraderie with the exiled leader. Recognizing his untapped potential, Nadda brought him to Delhi, initiating a comeback that began with his appointment as the Haryana in-charge in 2020 and culminated in his rapid elevation to National General Secretary in 2021. Tawde’s tenure as an organizational architect quickly yielded dividends. After stabilizing the party apparatus in Haryana, he was thrown into the politically volatile cauldron of Bihar in 2022. The BJP was navigating an exceptionally hostile environment marred by the shifting allegiances of Nitish Kumar and the looming shadow of the RJD. Immersing himself in booth-level micro-management and delicate alliance negotiations, Tawde orchestrated a remarkable consolidation. His strategic maneuvers were instrumental when Nitish Kumar eventually returned to the NDA fold in 2023, paving the way for the coalition’s formidable performance in the subsequent 2024 Lok Sabha and 2025 Bihar Assembly elections. As his stock rose, the central leadership began entrusting him with prestige assignments that transcended typical state electoral politics. Tawde emerged as a highly effective backroom coordinator during the 2022 presidential election of Droupadi Murmu, seamlessly managing cross-party liaisons across multiple states. He replicated this managerial success during C.P. Radhakrishnan’s vice-presidential election in 2025. Beyond electoral arithmetic, Tawde spearheaded massive national outreach initiatives, leading the ‘Sanghatan Parv 2024’ membership drive and coordinating complex central campaigns ranging from ‘Har Ghar Tiranga’ to the delicate domestic communications during ‘Operation Ganga’ in Ukraine. Vinod Tawde has not merely returned from the political wilderness; he has conquered it, transforming a harsh regional sidelining into an undisputed mandate at the very heart of the nation’s political epicenter.

Lingua Pragmatica

Updated: Mar 20, 2025

As Southern leaders like M.K. Stalin rage against Hindi, Andhra Pradesh’s Chief Minister Chandrababu Naidu offers a model of pragmatism over parochialism.

Chandrababu Naidu
Andhra Pradesh

Amid the cacophony of opposition in southern states to Hindi, Andhra Pradesh CM N. Chandrababu Naidu has taken a markedly pragmatic stance by remarking recently in the state Assembly that there was no harm in learning other languages. Hindi, Naidu noted, was useful for communication across India, particularly in political and commercial hubs like Delhi. His remarks, though avoiding explicit mention of the NEP, were widely seen as an endorsement of multilingualism and a rebuke to the linguistic chauvinism that has gripped parts of the South.


Few issues in India stir political passions quite like language. It is not merely a means of communication but a marker of identity, a relic of colonial resistance, and a source of political mobilization. In the southern states, where anti-Hindi sentiment has long been entrenched, the National Education Policy (NEP) 2020 and its three-language formula have reignited old tensions. No state embodies this defiance more than Tamil Nadu, where the ruling Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK) led by M.K. Stalin has framed the policy as an assault on its linguistic autonomy.


Naidu’s words, welcomed by his ally and Deputy Chief Minister Pawan Kalyan, mark a sharp contrast with the DMK’s position. Tamil Nadu’s hostility towards Hindi dates back to the 1930s, when C. Rajagopalachari’s attempt to introduce it in schools met with fierce resistance. The anti-Hindi agitations of the 1960s cemented the DMK’s ideological stance, with its first Chief Minister, C.N. Annadurai, famously warning that Hindi imposition could push Tamil Nadu towards secession.


The question, however, is whether this rigid opposition serves Tamil Nadu’s interests. While Stalin, with an eye to the upcoming Tamil Nadu Assembly polls, has been relentlessly portraying Hindi as a threat to his state’s regional identity, Naidu, a partner of the BJP-led Centre, is framing it as a tool for economic mobility. His argument is not that Hindi should replace Telugu or English but that it offers a competitive advantage.


The economic case for multilingualism is compelling. Indians who speak multiple languages tend to have better job prospects, higher earnings and greater geographic mobility. Andhra Pradesh’s Telugu-speaking diaspora is a case in point. Telugus make up a significant proportion of Indian-origin professionals in the United States, the Gulf, and Southeast Asia as Naidu pointed out, hinting that this success story was built not on linguistic rigidity but on adaptability.


In a country where inter-state migration is rising and where Hindi remains the most widely spoken language, refusing to learn it amounts to self-imposed isolation. Tamil Nadu’s approach, by contrast, risks limiting its youth. The DMK government has refused to implement the three-language policy, keeping schools strictly bilingual with Tamil and English. Its justification that Hindi is not necessary for global success could be true in a narrow sense but ignores the domestic context. If Tamil filmmakers can dub their movies into Hindi to expand their audience, why should Tamil students be denied access to the language that could open more doors for them within India?


The DMK has accused successive central governments, particularly under the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), of pushing Hindi at the expense of regional languages. Yet, rejecting Hindi outright is an overcorrection. The reality is that Hindi is an important language in India’s economic and political landscape. Naidu’s position, one of accommodation rather than confrontation, offers a middle ground that other Southern leaders would do well to consider.


Some states already recognize this. Karnataka, despite its own history of linguistic pride, has allowed Hindi to be taught as an optional language. Kerala, whose migrants work in Hindi-speaking regions and the Gulf, has been less hostile to Hindi education. Naidu’s model, balancing regional identity with practical necessity, offers a way forward. Languages should be embraced, not politicized. Southern leaders would do well to listen to him.

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