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By:

Abhijit Mulye

21 August 2024 at 11:29:11 am

Multi-Crore ‘Land Jihad’ unearthed

Lawyer reclaims grabbed properties, exposes administrative lapses Advocate Sanjeev Deshpande Mumbai: In Bhusaval, a glaring example of what is being termed ‘Land Jihad’ has recently been brought to light, exposing a systematic grab of prime real estate worth hundreds of crores. At the center of this revelation is a hard-fought legal victory that successfully vacated ill-intentioned occupants from a plush property, prompting urgent calls for the administration to remain vigilant against...

Multi-Crore ‘Land Jihad’ unearthed

Lawyer reclaims grabbed properties, exposes administrative lapses Advocate Sanjeev Deshpande Mumbai: In Bhusaval, a glaring example of what is being termed ‘Land Jihad’ has recently been brought to light, exposing a systematic grab of prime real estate worth hundreds of crores. At the center of this revelation is a hard-fought legal victory that successfully vacated ill-intentioned occupants from a plush property, prompting urgent calls for the administration to remain vigilant against fraudulent land acquisitions. The catalyst for uncovering this massive scam was a protracted legal battle fought by the Central Cine Circuit Association (CCCA), an organisation comprising over 800 film distributors across Maharashtra, Madhya Pradesh, Chhattisgarh, and Rajasthan. Seeking a headquarters and guest house for their traveling members, the CCCA purchased a sprawling 5,000-square-foot bungalow in a prime locality in Bhusaval from a senior Parsi individual residing in Mumbai. Although the sale deed was executed in 1993, the notice of ownership change inexplicably failed to reach or was ignored by the local city survey office. This administrative blind spot lay dormant until 2024, when the family of one Afzal Kalu Gawali forcibly entered the premises and took illegal possession of the property. Physical Muscle Lacking the physical muscle to evict the encroachers, the CCCA was forced into an agonising two-year legal marathon spearheaded by Advocate Sanjeev Deshpande. The fight demanded navigating a labyrinth of government offices, from the Sub-Divisional Magistrate (SDM) and Bhusaval Sessions Court to the revenue tribunal, the High Court, and even Mantralaya. The process involved digging through decades-old records, exposing forged documents, and pleading with officials to rectify the injustice. The persistence finally paid off when the SDM ruled in favor of the CCCA on April 9, 2026. When the illegal occupants still refused to leave, police intervention was secured to forcibly vacate the premises, allowing CCCA employees to finally re-enter their headquarters on April 16 after a gap of nearly two years, said Sanjay Surana, president of CCCA. Fight Continues For Deshpande, the fight is far from over. During his exhaustive hunt for documents, he uncovered a deeply disturbing and systematic pattern of land grabbing operating in the region. The conmen utilised a calculated modus operandi. They tactfully acquired a power of attorney from the descendants of the original Parsi owners and forged purchase documents. Shockingly, the paperwork claimed that the CCCA bungalow, currently valued at around Rs 5 crore, was purchased by daily wage earners for a mere Rs 6 lakh. Deshpande discovered that this same syndicate had successfully encroached upon other highly valuable plots, including a six-acre cemetery (Aramgah) belonging to the Parsi Anjuman Fund and a significant parcel of land owned by the Masonic Lodge, an international religious institute. In total, the collective value of these illegally grabbed properties is estimated to easily surpass Rs 300 crore. The Masonic Lodge property is back to rightful owners after a battle at the High Court. But, for the Aramgah property, still much needs to be done, he said. This staggering real estate heist points to a severe breakdown in administrative oversight. Deshpande strongly emphasises that if the office of the Sub-Registrar at Bhusaval had conducted even a preliminary inquiry or verified the glaringly disproportionate financial details of these transactions, the fraudulent nature of the sales would have been immediately apparent.

Lingua Pragmatica

Updated: Mar 20, 2025

As Southern leaders like M.K. Stalin rage against Hindi, Andhra Pradesh’s Chief Minister Chandrababu Naidu offers a model of pragmatism over parochialism.

Chandrababu Naidu
Andhra Pradesh

Amid the cacophony of opposition in southern states to Hindi, Andhra Pradesh CM N. Chandrababu Naidu has taken a markedly pragmatic stance by remarking recently in the state Assembly that there was no harm in learning other languages. Hindi, Naidu noted, was useful for communication across India, particularly in political and commercial hubs like Delhi. His remarks, though avoiding explicit mention of the NEP, were widely seen as an endorsement of multilingualism and a rebuke to the linguistic chauvinism that has gripped parts of the South.


Few issues in India stir political passions quite like language. It is not merely a means of communication but a marker of identity, a relic of colonial resistance, and a source of political mobilization. In the southern states, where anti-Hindi sentiment has long been entrenched, the National Education Policy (NEP) 2020 and its three-language formula have reignited old tensions. No state embodies this defiance more than Tamil Nadu, where the ruling Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK) led by M.K. Stalin has framed the policy as an assault on its linguistic autonomy.


Naidu’s words, welcomed by his ally and Deputy Chief Minister Pawan Kalyan, mark a sharp contrast with the DMK’s position. Tamil Nadu’s hostility towards Hindi dates back to the 1930s, when C. Rajagopalachari’s attempt to introduce it in schools met with fierce resistance. The anti-Hindi agitations of the 1960s cemented the DMK’s ideological stance, with its first Chief Minister, C.N. Annadurai, famously warning that Hindi imposition could push Tamil Nadu towards secession.


The question, however, is whether this rigid opposition serves Tamil Nadu’s interests. While Stalin, with an eye to the upcoming Tamil Nadu Assembly polls, has been relentlessly portraying Hindi as a threat to his state’s regional identity, Naidu, a partner of the BJP-led Centre, is framing it as a tool for economic mobility. His argument is not that Hindi should replace Telugu or English but that it offers a competitive advantage.


The economic case for multilingualism is compelling. Indians who speak multiple languages tend to have better job prospects, higher earnings and greater geographic mobility. Andhra Pradesh’s Telugu-speaking diaspora is a case in point. Telugus make up a significant proportion of Indian-origin professionals in the United States, the Gulf, and Southeast Asia as Naidu pointed out, hinting that this success story was built not on linguistic rigidity but on adaptability.


In a country where inter-state migration is rising and where Hindi remains the most widely spoken language, refusing to learn it amounts to self-imposed isolation. Tamil Nadu’s approach, by contrast, risks limiting its youth. The DMK government has refused to implement the three-language policy, keeping schools strictly bilingual with Tamil and English. Its justification that Hindi is not necessary for global success could be true in a narrow sense but ignores the domestic context. If Tamil filmmakers can dub their movies into Hindi to expand their audience, why should Tamil students be denied access to the language that could open more doors for them within India?


The DMK has accused successive central governments, particularly under the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), of pushing Hindi at the expense of regional languages. Yet, rejecting Hindi outright is an overcorrection. The reality is that Hindi is an important language in India’s economic and political landscape. Naidu’s position, one of accommodation rather than confrontation, offers a middle ground that other Southern leaders would do well to consider.


Some states already recognize this. Karnataka, despite its own history of linguistic pride, has allowed Hindi to be taught as an optional language. Kerala, whose migrants work in Hindi-speaking regions and the Gulf, has been less hostile to Hindi education. Naidu’s model, balancing regional identity with practical necessity, offers a way forward. Languages should be embraced, not politicized. Southern leaders would do well to listen to him.

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