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By:

Bhalchandra Chorghade

11 August 2025 at 1:54:18 pm

Panje wetland moves closer to legal protection

Navi Mumbai: The 289-hectare Panje-Dongari wetland in Uran, regarded by environmentalists as Maharashtra’s largest intertidal wetland, has moved a significant step closer to securing legal protection after the Raigad district administration completed a long-awaited ground verification process, environmental groups said. The development is being seen as a major milestone in the years-long campaign by conservationists to protect the ecologically sensitive wetland from reclamation and...

Panje wetland moves closer to legal protection

Navi Mumbai: The 289-hectare Panje-Dongari wetland in Uran, regarded by environmentalists as Maharashtra’s largest intertidal wetland, has moved a significant step closer to securing legal protection after the Raigad district administration completed a long-awaited ground verification process, environmental groups said. The development is being seen as a major milestone in the years-long campaign by conservationists to protect the ecologically sensitive wetland from reclamation and infrastructure-related pressures. The verification is part of the process required before wetlands can be formally notified under the Environment (Protection) Act. According to the NatConnect Foundation, the verification follows documentation by the Chennai-based National Centre for Sustainable Coastal Management (NCSCM), which has completed the ground-truthing of nearly all the 23,000 wetlands identified across Maharashtra under the National Wetland Inventory and Assessment (NWIA), prepared using 2006-07 satellite imagery. Environmentalists have repeatedly criticised the delay in completing the verification and notification process in the state. Rising Hopes A senior official of the State Wetland Authority, speaking on condition of anonymity, said that the Raigad Collector has cleared 11 of the 19 wetlands documented by NCSCM in the district, including the Panje wetland. The wetlands at Belpada and Bhendkhal have also reportedly progressed towards notification, raising hopes for their long-term conservation. The list approved by the Collector also includes wetlands in Panvel taluka at Kharghar, Taloja, Kharghar Sector 25, Kalamboli, Sinkar and Morave. However, government officials said wetlands at Sheva, Jaskhar, Murud Creek and the Mangrove Wetland Complex do not feature in the Collector’s current documents, leaving questions over their status. The Panje wetland has been at the centre of a prolonged legal and environmental battle. The Bombay Environmental Action Group (BEAG) founder and noted environmentalist Debi Goenka had earlier demonstrated, using the National Wetland Inventory and Assessment maps, that Panje qualified as a wetland despite claims to the contrary. “BEAG founder and noted environmentalist Debi Goenka was among the first to demonstrate, using the National Wetland Inventory and Assessment (NWIA) maps, that Panje qualified as a wetland despite claims to the contrary. His painstaking interpretation of the colour-coded satellite atlas greatly strengthened our case for Panje’s conservation,” said B N Kumar, Director, NatConnect Foundation. Happy Activists Welcoming the latest development, Nandakumar Pawar, Director of Sagar Shakti, who has led a prolonged legal battle to protect the wetland, said, “The 289-hectare Panje wetland is the largest intertidal wetland in the state. Its conservation is critical for protecting Uran’s fragile ecology.” Kumar described the verification as a vindication of sustained public efforts. “Panje has shown that persistence pays,” he said, while Pawar added that the focus must now shift towards securing legal protection for all of Maharashtra’s 23,000 mapped wetlands before they are lost to encroachment and development. Pawar warned that the destruction and reclamation of several wetlands in Uran, including the four-kilometre Jasai stretch, have already aggravated flooding in surrounding villages. He said extensive landfilling for the Dronagiri Node and other infrastructure projects has further worsened the ecological situation. The Collector’s report assumes significance amid continued opposition from CIDCO, which has maintained that several of these areas are former salt pans or agricultural land and are therefore suitable for development. Environmental groups, however, argue that irrespective of their historical land use, these ecosystems now perform critical ecological functions and deserve statutory protection. According to Kumar, although Panje—currently leased to NMSEZ, now NMIIA—has remained free from construction activity, the regular obstruction of tidal water flow causes the wetland to dry up periodically, threatening its ecological health. Environmental organisations including Vanashakti, Sagar Shakti, NatConnect Foundation, Navi Mumbai Environment Preservation Society, Save Navi Mumbai Environment and Kharghar Wetlands & Hills Forum have been pursuing legal and administrative interventions to secure protection for the wetlands. Highlighting their ecological importance, Pawar said wetlands not only support rich biodiversity but also serve as natural flood buffers, store significant amounts of carbon and sustain the livelihoods of traditional fishing communities. He stressed that notifying these wetlands is essential for strengthening the climate resilience of the Mumbai Metropolitan Region.

Lingua Pragmatica

Updated: Mar 20, 2025

As Southern leaders like M.K. Stalin rage against Hindi, Andhra Pradesh’s Chief Minister Chandrababu Naidu offers a model of pragmatism over parochialism.

Chandrababu Naidu
Andhra Pradesh

Amid the cacophony of opposition in southern states to Hindi, Andhra Pradesh CM N. Chandrababu Naidu has taken a markedly pragmatic stance by remarking recently in the state Assembly that there was no harm in learning other languages. Hindi, Naidu noted, was useful for communication across India, particularly in political and commercial hubs like Delhi. His remarks, though avoiding explicit mention of the NEP, were widely seen as an endorsement of multilingualism and a rebuke to the linguistic chauvinism that has gripped parts of the South.


Few issues in India stir political passions quite like language. It is not merely a means of communication but a marker of identity, a relic of colonial resistance, and a source of political mobilization. In the southern states, where anti-Hindi sentiment has long been entrenched, the National Education Policy (NEP) 2020 and its three-language formula have reignited old tensions. No state embodies this defiance more than Tamil Nadu, where the ruling Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK) led by M.K. Stalin has framed the policy as an assault on its linguistic autonomy.


Naidu’s words, welcomed by his ally and Deputy Chief Minister Pawan Kalyan, mark a sharp contrast with the DMK’s position. Tamil Nadu’s hostility towards Hindi dates back to the 1930s, when C. Rajagopalachari’s attempt to introduce it in schools met with fierce resistance. The anti-Hindi agitations of the 1960s cemented the DMK’s ideological stance, with its first Chief Minister, C.N. Annadurai, famously warning that Hindi imposition could push Tamil Nadu towards secession.


The question, however, is whether this rigid opposition serves Tamil Nadu’s interests. While Stalin, with an eye to the upcoming Tamil Nadu Assembly polls, has been relentlessly portraying Hindi as a threat to his state’s regional identity, Naidu, a partner of the BJP-led Centre, is framing it as a tool for economic mobility. His argument is not that Hindi should replace Telugu or English but that it offers a competitive advantage.


The economic case for multilingualism is compelling. Indians who speak multiple languages tend to have better job prospects, higher earnings and greater geographic mobility. Andhra Pradesh’s Telugu-speaking diaspora is a case in point. Telugus make up a significant proportion of Indian-origin professionals in the United States, the Gulf, and Southeast Asia as Naidu pointed out, hinting that this success story was built not on linguistic rigidity but on adaptability.


In a country where inter-state migration is rising and where Hindi remains the most widely spoken language, refusing to learn it amounts to self-imposed isolation. Tamil Nadu’s approach, by contrast, risks limiting its youth. The DMK government has refused to implement the three-language policy, keeping schools strictly bilingual with Tamil and English. Its justification that Hindi is not necessary for global success could be true in a narrow sense but ignores the domestic context. If Tamil filmmakers can dub their movies into Hindi to expand their audience, why should Tamil students be denied access to the language that could open more doors for them within India?


The DMK has accused successive central governments, particularly under the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), of pushing Hindi at the expense of regional languages. Yet, rejecting Hindi outright is an overcorrection. The reality is that Hindi is an important language in India’s economic and political landscape. Naidu’s position, one of accommodation rather than confrontation, offers a middle ground that other Southern leaders would do well to consider.


Some states already recognize this. Karnataka, despite its own history of linguistic pride, has allowed Hindi to be taught as an optional language. Kerala, whose migrants work in Hindi-speaking regions and the Gulf, has been less hostile to Hindi education. Naidu’s model, balancing regional identity with practical necessity, offers a way forward. Languages should be embraced, not politicized. Southern leaders would do well to listen to him.

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