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By:

Naresh Kamath

5 November 2024 at 11:00:38 am

Corporatisation of Ganesh Mandals affect devotees

People carry an idol of lord Ganesh to a 'pandal' ahead of 'Ganesh Chaturthi' festival in Mumbai on Tuesday. Mumbai: As the Aagman (welcoming) of Lord Chintamani saw a sea of humanity descend in the Lalbaug-Parel belt on Saturday, one could not escape the stamp of the Adani Group which has now become an exclusive partner of the Chinchpokli Sarvajanik Utsav mandal. Following the Ambani’s which has patronised the nearby Lalbaugcha Raja from the last few years, the move by the Chinchpokli Ganesh...

Corporatisation of Ganesh Mandals affect devotees

People carry an idol of lord Ganesh to a 'pandal' ahead of 'Ganesh Chaturthi' festival in Mumbai on Tuesday. Mumbai: As the Aagman (welcoming) of Lord Chintamani saw a sea of humanity descend in the Lalbaug-Parel belt on Saturday, one could not escape the stamp of the Adani Group which has now become an exclusive partner of the Chinchpokli Sarvajanik Utsav mandal. Following the Ambani’s which has patronised the nearby Lalbaugcha Raja from the last few years, the move by the Chinchpokli Ganesh Mandal to partner with the Adani group is increasingly seen as corporatisation of the most popular festival of Maharashtra.“There is no partnership or deal as such. We have just given them exclusive advertising rights,” said Santosh Sohni, secretary of the Chinchpokli Ganesh mandal. He said that Adanis approached the Mandal after being impressed by the social work undertaken by the Mandal. The Mandal is creating a replica of the famous Tirupati temple to house Lord Ganesh this year.However, this has not gone well with both the devotees as well as political parties who described it as a hijacking of this festival by the corporates.For the neighbourhoods, the festival which was financed by small donations by households and small shopkeepers, entry by the corporates with deep pockets is seen as loss of innocence of this fest.“This Maharashtrian festival is being taken over by the corporates and this is just a beginning. The whole area will be monopolised by Adani and Ambani banners and gradually they will lord over the mandals,” warned Maharashtra Navnirman Sena (MNS) leader Sandeep Deshpande. “The common Karyakartas (workers) will be getting increasingly marginalised and paid workers will rule,” he added. Anant Ambani, Executive Director, Reliance Industries was appointed as honorary advisor of Lalbaugcha Raja and is a familiar face during the 11-day festival regularly taking part in the daily Aartis. In fact, last year, he also took part in the Visarjan (immersion) of the Lord. In 2024, Anant Ambani and Reliance Foundation gifted a 20-kilogram gold crown valued at Rs 15 crore to Lalbaugcha Raja.Deshpande has a point as till last year, majority of the banners outside Lalbaugcha Raja were of the Reliance group and featured Anant Ambani prominently. Huge Opportunity The Parel-Lalbaug belt dominated by the labour and middle class is the mecca of Ganesh Festival which is visited by crores of people across the country during the 11-day festival. Sunil Ghume, a resident of Parel who has seen the festival evolved across decades, asserts, “The corporates see a huge opportunity in this area as it gives them a branding opportunity as well as helps them to network.” “Do you think these Mandals can defy these corporates given their money power and influence?” questioned Ghume. Ghume rued that locals are feeling being left out in the festivals. “Families used to come together, hold competitions and mingle together. However huge funding has played a spoilsport,” he added.Though the Sarvajanik Ganesh festival was started by Lokmanya Tilak as a part of political mobilisation against the British rule in 1893, it was Shiv Sena founder Bal Thackeray who realised the potential of this fest. The Ganesh festival played an important role in the growth of the saffron outfit which can be gauged from the fact that all major Sena leaders have headed Ganpati mandals. The Ganesh Galli Mandal is headed by Kiran Tawde who is a current BMC corporator from Shiv Sena UBT while Sudhir Salvi who is currently secretary of Lalbaugcha Raja is a top Sena leader. Till a decade back, going to Lalbaug-Parel belt and visiting various Ganesh Mandals and enjoying the different poses of the Ganesh Idol used to be family routine. However, this has all changed as getting here during the fest is a herculean task and getting Darshan of Lalbaugcha Raja takes hours standing in serpentine queue. “During childhood it was pleasure to visit various mandals. But now it’s becoming impossible given the mammoth crowd. The rich people get faster access while common people have to wait for hours,” rued 55-year-old Mahesh Halwai, who is a Lalbaug resident.

Lingua Pragmatica

Updated: Mar 20, 2025

As Southern leaders like M.K. Stalin rage against Hindi, Andhra Pradesh’s Chief Minister Chandrababu Naidu offers a model of pragmatism over parochialism.

Chandrababu Naidu
Andhra Pradesh

Amid the cacophony of opposition in southern states to Hindi, Andhra Pradesh CM N. Chandrababu Naidu has taken a markedly pragmatic stance by remarking recently in the state Assembly that there was no harm in learning other languages. Hindi, Naidu noted, was useful for communication across India, particularly in political and commercial hubs like Delhi. His remarks, though avoiding explicit mention of the NEP, were widely seen as an endorsement of multilingualism and a rebuke to the linguistic chauvinism that has gripped parts of the South.


Few issues in India stir political passions quite like language. It is not merely a means of communication but a marker of identity, a relic of colonial resistance, and a source of political mobilization. In the southern states, where anti-Hindi sentiment has long been entrenched, the National Education Policy (NEP) 2020 and its three-language formula have reignited old tensions. No state embodies this defiance more than Tamil Nadu, where the ruling Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK) led by M.K. Stalin has framed the policy as an assault on its linguistic autonomy.


Naidu’s words, welcomed by his ally and Deputy Chief Minister Pawan Kalyan, mark a sharp contrast with the DMK’s position. Tamil Nadu’s hostility towards Hindi dates back to the 1930s, when C. Rajagopalachari’s attempt to introduce it in schools met with fierce resistance. The anti-Hindi agitations of the 1960s cemented the DMK’s ideological stance, with its first Chief Minister, C.N. Annadurai, famously warning that Hindi imposition could push Tamil Nadu towards secession.


The question, however, is whether this rigid opposition serves Tamil Nadu’s interests. While Stalin, with an eye to the upcoming Tamil Nadu Assembly polls, has been relentlessly portraying Hindi as a threat to his state’s regional identity, Naidu, a partner of the BJP-led Centre, is framing it as a tool for economic mobility. His argument is not that Hindi should replace Telugu or English but that it offers a competitive advantage.


The economic case for multilingualism is compelling. Indians who speak multiple languages tend to have better job prospects, higher earnings and greater geographic mobility. Andhra Pradesh’s Telugu-speaking diaspora is a case in point. Telugus make up a significant proportion of Indian-origin professionals in the United States, the Gulf, and Southeast Asia as Naidu pointed out, hinting that this success story was built not on linguistic rigidity but on adaptability.


In a country where inter-state migration is rising and where Hindi remains the most widely spoken language, refusing to learn it amounts to self-imposed isolation. Tamil Nadu’s approach, by contrast, risks limiting its youth. The DMK government has refused to implement the three-language policy, keeping schools strictly bilingual with Tamil and English. Its justification that Hindi is not necessary for global success could be true in a narrow sense but ignores the domestic context. If Tamil filmmakers can dub their movies into Hindi to expand their audience, why should Tamil students be denied access to the language that could open more doors for them within India?


The DMK has accused successive central governments, particularly under the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), of pushing Hindi at the expense of regional languages. Yet, rejecting Hindi outright is an overcorrection. The reality is that Hindi is an important language in India’s economic and political landscape. Naidu’s position, one of accommodation rather than confrontation, offers a middle ground that other Southern leaders would do well to consider.


Some states already recognize this. Karnataka, despite its own history of linguistic pride, has allowed Hindi to be taught as an optional language. Kerala, whose migrants work in Hindi-speaking regions and the Gulf, has been less hostile to Hindi education. Naidu’s model, balancing regional identity with practical necessity, offers a way forward. Languages should be embraced, not politicized. Southern leaders would do well to listen to him.

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