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By:

Quaid Najmi

4 January 2025 at 3:26:24 pm

CJP attracts 1.5 cr; new politics shaping up

Mumbai: Not from kitchen sinks, toilets or gutters — these two-legged ‘roaches’ have swarmed Social Media in millions through memes, live-streams, rap anthems and viral posts… and the country has begun taking note. On May 16, an unemployed youth, Abhijeet Dipke from Chhatrapati Sambhajinagar - currently job-hunting in Boston, USA, grabbed national attention after launching a digital platform called the “Cockroach Janta Party” (CJP), pitched as a democratic movement “of the youth, for the...

CJP attracts 1.5 cr; new politics shaping up

Mumbai: Not from kitchen sinks, toilets or gutters — these two-legged ‘roaches’ have swarmed Social Media in millions through memes, live-streams, rap anthems and viral posts… and the country has begun taking note. On May 16, an unemployed youth, Abhijeet Dipke from Chhatrapati Sambhajinagar - currently job-hunting in Boston, USA, grabbed national attention after launching a digital platform called the “Cockroach Janta Party” (CJP), pitched as a democratic movement “of the youth, for the youth, by the youth” targeting disillusioned Gen-Z Indians. To Dipke’s own surprise, the announcement exploded online. Within days, CJP has amassed nearly 1.5-crore followers on Instagram, over 40-lakh across other platforms, more than three-lakh registered members, and counting - despite allegations of account suspensions and restrictions. Ironically, CJP’s online numbers are being compared with the social media reach of the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party and the Opposition Indian National Congress - overtaking both, leaving political circles both amused and unsettled. On Thursday, at least one major social media platform briefly suspended the party’s accounts, while CJP supporters alleged hacking attempts on others. Yet, within hours, the page resurfaced with a sarcastic: “You thought you could get rid of us? LOL! Cockroach is back!” After flexing its digital muscle, the fledgling week-old outfit unveiled a basic charter of demands-cum-mini manifesto, along with a tickly political slogan: “Abki Baar, Cockroach Sarkar,” and aimed to capture “400-plus seats” in the next Lok Sabha elections. The CJP’s first political salvo was directed at Union Education Minister Dharmendra Pradhan over the alleged NEET examination paper leak controversy. “Governments make mistakes, but students pay the price. What kind of system is this? Why has the Education Minister not been sacked? Where is the accountability?” Dipke thundered from Boston during an online media interaction. The CJP’s memes have become a star attraction. One depicts a swaggering political cockroach dressed in Gandhi topi, kurta, angavastram and chappals before Parliament House; another shows a suited-booted cockroach delivering a corporate speech; yet another portrays giant roaches marching amid restless crowds. In one provocative graphic, a cocky cockroach is seen gleefully chewing up a giant lotus and relishing it - a not-so-subtle political jab. Dipke has proclaimed himself as the “Cockroach” and ditto with his followers, transforming the usually reviled six-legged arthropod into an unlikely mascot of survival and resistance. His legion of fans gleefully remind how cockroaches, believed to have existed for over 300 million years, can survive pesticides, extreme conditions and even nuclear disasters, besides online attacks! “The biggest complaint among young people is that nobody listens to them, nobody talks to them, and nobody even acknowledges their existence. And now they are being compared to cockroaches and parasites. Naturally, the youth are angry with the system,” Dipke said. A media strategist who reportedly worked for a couple of years with the Aam Aadmi Party, Dipke says the CJP plans to crowdsource its political agenda by asking supporters what issues the movement should prioritise and how citizens can collectively push for systemic change. ‘Cockroaches’ want to swarm Parliament The Cockroach Janta Party (CJP)’s anti-establishment rap anthem, pointed memes and online campaigns revolve around corruption, pollution, propaganda, unemployment and collapsing public systems that have left large sections of India’s youth disillusioned, angry and politically alienated. Its wishlist includes free world-class education, universal healthcare, clean rivers, safe drinking water, breathable air, and greater media accountability - promises that traditional political parties have made for decades, but which suddenly sound radical when articulated by self-styled “cockroaches” claiming to survive every form of rot and decay. Though many dismiss the CJP as a digital gimmick, some political observers believe this sudden rise of ‘cockroaches’ reflects growing public frustration not just with the ruling establishment, but also with the Opposition.

Lingua Pragmatica

Updated: Mar 20, 2025

As Southern leaders like M.K. Stalin rage against Hindi, Andhra Pradesh’s Chief Minister Chandrababu Naidu offers a model of pragmatism over parochialism.

Chandrababu Naidu
Andhra Pradesh

Amid the cacophony of opposition in southern states to Hindi, Andhra Pradesh CM N. Chandrababu Naidu has taken a markedly pragmatic stance by remarking recently in the state Assembly that there was no harm in learning other languages. Hindi, Naidu noted, was useful for communication across India, particularly in political and commercial hubs like Delhi. His remarks, though avoiding explicit mention of the NEP, were widely seen as an endorsement of multilingualism and a rebuke to the linguistic chauvinism that has gripped parts of the South.


Few issues in India stir political passions quite like language. It is not merely a means of communication but a marker of identity, a relic of colonial resistance, and a source of political mobilization. In the southern states, where anti-Hindi sentiment has long been entrenched, the National Education Policy (NEP) 2020 and its three-language formula have reignited old tensions. No state embodies this defiance more than Tamil Nadu, where the ruling Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK) led by M.K. Stalin has framed the policy as an assault on its linguistic autonomy.


Naidu’s words, welcomed by his ally and Deputy Chief Minister Pawan Kalyan, mark a sharp contrast with the DMK’s position. Tamil Nadu’s hostility towards Hindi dates back to the 1930s, when C. Rajagopalachari’s attempt to introduce it in schools met with fierce resistance. The anti-Hindi agitations of the 1960s cemented the DMK’s ideological stance, with its first Chief Minister, C.N. Annadurai, famously warning that Hindi imposition could push Tamil Nadu towards secession.


The question, however, is whether this rigid opposition serves Tamil Nadu’s interests. While Stalin, with an eye to the upcoming Tamil Nadu Assembly polls, has been relentlessly portraying Hindi as a threat to his state’s regional identity, Naidu, a partner of the BJP-led Centre, is framing it as a tool for economic mobility. His argument is not that Hindi should replace Telugu or English but that it offers a competitive advantage.


The economic case for multilingualism is compelling. Indians who speak multiple languages tend to have better job prospects, higher earnings and greater geographic mobility. Andhra Pradesh’s Telugu-speaking diaspora is a case in point. Telugus make up a significant proportion of Indian-origin professionals in the United States, the Gulf, and Southeast Asia as Naidu pointed out, hinting that this success story was built not on linguistic rigidity but on adaptability.


In a country where inter-state migration is rising and where Hindi remains the most widely spoken language, refusing to learn it amounts to self-imposed isolation. Tamil Nadu’s approach, by contrast, risks limiting its youth. The DMK government has refused to implement the three-language policy, keeping schools strictly bilingual with Tamil and English. Its justification that Hindi is not necessary for global success could be true in a narrow sense but ignores the domestic context. If Tamil filmmakers can dub their movies into Hindi to expand their audience, why should Tamil students be denied access to the language that could open more doors for them within India?


The DMK has accused successive central governments, particularly under the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), of pushing Hindi at the expense of regional languages. Yet, rejecting Hindi outright is an overcorrection. The reality is that Hindi is an important language in India’s economic and political landscape. Naidu’s position, one of accommodation rather than confrontation, offers a middle ground that other Southern leaders would do well to consider.


Some states already recognize this. Karnataka, despite its own history of linguistic pride, has allowed Hindi to be taught as an optional language. Kerala, whose migrants work in Hindi-speaking regions and the Gulf, has been less hostile to Hindi education. Naidu’s model, balancing regional identity with practical necessity, offers a way forward. Languages should be embraced, not politicized. Southern leaders would do well to listen to him.

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