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By:

Quaid Najmi

4 January 2025 at 3:26:24 pm

Bhagwat bats for culture over politics

Mohan Bhagwat, Sarsanghchalak, RSS during the lecture on the occasion of the centenary year of RSS at Nehru Centre Auditorium in Worli on Saturday. | Pic Bhushan Koyande Mumbai: On the centenary of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh its present (6 th ) Sarsanghchalak Dr. Mohan Madhukar Bhagwat termed the RSS as a civilizational movement dedicated to serving humanity, cultural unity and social organization rather than power, protest or politics. Addressing a centennial lecture series before a...

Bhagwat bats for culture over politics

Mohan Bhagwat, Sarsanghchalak, RSS during the lecture on the occasion of the centenary year of RSS at Nehru Centre Auditorium in Worli on Saturday. | Pic Bhushan Koyande Mumbai: On the centenary of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh its present (6 th ) Sarsanghchalak Dr. Mohan Madhukar Bhagwat termed the RSS as a civilizational movement dedicated to serving humanity, cultural unity and social organization rather than power, protest or politics. Addressing a centennial lecture series before a packed audience, the 75-year-old said that RSS runs more than 1.3 lakhs service activities all over the country encompassing education, healthcare, disaster relief and social welfare without accepting any kind of government funding. “We sustain these activities with the personal contributions of Swayamsevaks and the co-operation of society. The RSS had decided beforehand that apart from organizing the entire society, it has no other task. That work which facilitates the completion of all other good works and fulfils all noble goals, that work is the Sangh’s mission,” Dr. Bhagwat declared. This narrow but decisive role of the RSS from its inception in 1925, and the organisational works enable the fulfilment of every other national and social objective, and its self-driven social responsibility, he added. Rubbishing the notion that RSS was born as an ‘opposition to any group of ideology’, Dr. Bhagwat pointed out that the RSS did not emerge as a reaction, a protest platform, a publicity vehicle or to bid for power, but was formed for the long-term betterment of the ‘rashtra’ with emphasis on cultural unity. The RSS was not "against anyone" and did not work as a reaction to any incident, Bhagwat said, adding that its focus was supporting and strengthening positive efforts underway in the country. The Sangh was also not a paramilitary force even though it conducts route marches, and though its volunteers wield the lathi, it should not be seen as an "akhada" (wrestling club), Bhagwat said. Nor is the RSS involved in politics though some individuals with the Sangh background are active in political life, he added. He acknowledged India’s diversity in languages, food habits, religious practices, deities, rituals and regional differences, but said all these co-exist within a shared cultural framework. “There is one identity that unites us all and we call it a Hindu. It’s a broader cultural and civilisational term and not religious…, Bharat is not just a geographical entity, but represents a cultural attitude.” reiterated Dr. Bhagwat. The Sarsanghchalak also referred to the prevailing interpretation of ‘secularism’ (‘Dharma-nirpekshata’) and said it implies ‘indifference to religion’ which does not represent the country’s civilizational reality. Instead, Dr. Bhagwat suggested ‘Panth-nirpekshata’ or equal respect for all faiths as a more accurate expression in the Indian context, as “Bharat is a nation rooted in dharma representing ethical duty, social harmony and moral order rather than religious dogma”. The RSS chief emphasised how national strength flows from social cohesion and not coercion as real unity cannot be imposed by law or force, but must arise out of mutual respect, shared values and collective discipline, with service being the most effective tool bridging society and ideology. Referring to RSS founder Keshav Baliram Hedgewar, Bhagwat described the difficult circumstances of his childhood including the death of both his parents due to the plague at age 13 and the financial hardship he suffered subsequently. Hedgewar actively participated in various movements during the freedom struggle, including the Vande Mataram agitation in his school days, Bhagwat said. When he cleared the matriculation examination with a first class, some people in Nagpur raised funds to send him to Calcutta (Kolkata) for medical education, where he came in contact with revolutionary groups, Bhagwat said. Recalling an anecdote from that period, Bhagwat said Hedgewar operated under the code name "Koken", inspired by the name of a person called Kokenchandra. Once a police team which had arrived to arrest Kokenchandra instead detained Hedgewar, an incident documented in a book by Rash Behari Bose, he said. Bollywood bows for #RSS100 Bollywood mega-star Salman Khan, along with film-maker Subhash Ghai, writer-poet Prashoon Joshi, singer Adnan Sami and actress Ashwini Bhave were among the dignitaries who attended the centenary celebrations of Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS). They attentively listened to RSS Sarsanghchalak Dr. Mohan M. Bhagwat as he enlightened the organisation’s 100 year long journey, its ethos, mottos and service to the nation without hankering for political power, at the Nehru Centre. As Khan arrived, there was quite a flutter with many people whipping out their mobiles to click photos or videos, but he was quickly whisked in by the security personnel.

Lingua Pragmatica

Updated: Mar 20, 2025

As Southern leaders like M.K. Stalin rage against Hindi, Andhra Pradesh’s Chief Minister Chandrababu Naidu offers a model of pragmatism over parochialism.

Chandrababu Naidu
Andhra Pradesh

Amid the cacophony of opposition in southern states to Hindi, Andhra Pradesh CM N. Chandrababu Naidu has taken a markedly pragmatic stance by remarking recently in the state Assembly that there was no harm in learning other languages. Hindi, Naidu noted, was useful for communication across India, particularly in political and commercial hubs like Delhi. His remarks, though avoiding explicit mention of the NEP, were widely seen as an endorsement of multilingualism and a rebuke to the linguistic chauvinism that has gripped parts of the South.


Few issues in India stir political passions quite like language. It is not merely a means of communication but a marker of identity, a relic of colonial resistance, and a source of political mobilization. In the southern states, where anti-Hindi sentiment has long been entrenched, the National Education Policy (NEP) 2020 and its three-language formula have reignited old tensions. No state embodies this defiance more than Tamil Nadu, where the ruling Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK) led by M.K. Stalin has framed the policy as an assault on its linguistic autonomy.


Naidu’s words, welcomed by his ally and Deputy Chief Minister Pawan Kalyan, mark a sharp contrast with the DMK’s position. Tamil Nadu’s hostility towards Hindi dates back to the 1930s, when C. Rajagopalachari’s attempt to introduce it in schools met with fierce resistance. The anti-Hindi agitations of the 1960s cemented the DMK’s ideological stance, with its first Chief Minister, C.N. Annadurai, famously warning that Hindi imposition could push Tamil Nadu towards secession.


The question, however, is whether this rigid opposition serves Tamil Nadu’s interests. While Stalin, with an eye to the upcoming Tamil Nadu Assembly polls, has been relentlessly portraying Hindi as a threat to his state’s regional identity, Naidu, a partner of the BJP-led Centre, is framing it as a tool for economic mobility. His argument is not that Hindi should replace Telugu or English but that it offers a competitive advantage.


The economic case for multilingualism is compelling. Indians who speak multiple languages tend to have better job prospects, higher earnings and greater geographic mobility. Andhra Pradesh’s Telugu-speaking diaspora is a case in point. Telugus make up a significant proportion of Indian-origin professionals in the United States, the Gulf, and Southeast Asia as Naidu pointed out, hinting that this success story was built not on linguistic rigidity but on adaptability.


In a country where inter-state migration is rising and where Hindi remains the most widely spoken language, refusing to learn it amounts to self-imposed isolation. Tamil Nadu’s approach, by contrast, risks limiting its youth. The DMK government has refused to implement the three-language policy, keeping schools strictly bilingual with Tamil and English. Its justification that Hindi is not necessary for global success could be true in a narrow sense but ignores the domestic context. If Tamil filmmakers can dub their movies into Hindi to expand their audience, why should Tamil students be denied access to the language that could open more doors for them within India?


The DMK has accused successive central governments, particularly under the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), of pushing Hindi at the expense of regional languages. Yet, rejecting Hindi outright is an overcorrection. The reality is that Hindi is an important language in India’s economic and political landscape. Naidu’s position, one of accommodation rather than confrontation, offers a middle ground that other Southern leaders would do well to consider.


Some states already recognize this. Karnataka, despite its own history of linguistic pride, has allowed Hindi to be taught as an optional language. Kerala, whose migrants work in Hindi-speaking regions and the Gulf, has been less hostile to Hindi education. Naidu’s model, balancing regional identity with practical necessity, offers a way forward. Languages should be embraced, not politicized. Southern leaders would do well to listen to him.

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