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By:

Prashant Hamine

8 September 2024 at 3:20:29 pm

Understanding Tool Kits that Pose Threat to Security

Whatever is happening in India ever since Narendra Modi became the Prime Minister in 2014, was actually in the works much before February 2002, it is a Toolkit that is a combination of Conspiracies, Strategies, Toolkit's, Cookbooks, Reports, Mind Control Games, and Weaponising nonviolence and Regime Degradation operations. What is happening now in India is a deadly combination of all these. The first tool kit of regime change is derived from the 1823 US President James Monore's annual address...

Understanding Tool Kits that Pose Threat to Security

Whatever is happening in India ever since Narendra Modi became the Prime Minister in 2014, was actually in the works much before February 2002, it is a Toolkit that is a combination of Conspiracies, Strategies, Toolkit's, Cookbooks, Reports, Mind Control Games, and Weaponising nonviolence and Regime Degradation operations. What is happening now in India is a deadly combination of all these. The first tool kit of regime change is derived from the 1823 US President James Monore's annual address to the Congress, which now is called the Monroe Doctrine. Ever since then the US has been engineering regime change and forging regional alliances that suit its global hegemonistic attitudes. In its ongoing war with Iran, it has shown its European allies that it can do away with regional alliances like NATO. It has already made the UN defunct, through its unilateral invasions like those in Venezuela or staking claim to Greenland. The Monroe Doctrine is the best known U.S. policy toward the Western Hemisphere, Colonization & Puppet regimes. The doctrine is derived from a routine annual message delivered to Congress by President James Monroe in December 1823. The doctrine warned European nations that the United States would not tolerate further colonization or puppet monarchs. What the US has done since then is the exact opposite of the Monroe doctrine. The second toolkit strategy is the 1966 Richard Cloward & Francis Fox Piven's - Cloward-Piven strategy. It is a strategy to undermine elected governments. The Cloward–Piven strategy is a political strategy outlined in 1966 by American sociologists and political activists Richard Cloward and Frances Fox Piven. The strategy aims to utilize "militant anti-poverty groups" to facilitate a "political crisis" by overloading the welfare system via an increase in welfare claims, forcing the creation of a system of guaranteed minimum income and "redistributing income through the federal government." Freebies promising free cash doles, free power, free ration, free travel etc are prime examples of how to make people lazy, unproductive and dependent on free government doles. It’s meant to make people addicted to freebies, ensure more unproductive revenue outflow than revenue income, forcing governments to tax more and fall in a debt trap of its own making, thanks to its freebie culture. The third tool kit of unleashing Anarchy in any country that is to be subverted is the 1971 The Anarchist Cookbook written by William Powell. The Anarchist Cookbook, first published in 1971, is a book containing instructions for the manufacture of explosives, rudimentary telecommunications phreaking devices, and related weapons, as well as instructions for the home manufacture of illicit drugs, including LSD The fourth tool kit is to regime degradation or discrediting a democratically elected government and its institutions of governance. This tool kit that is being played out now through the CJP protest is heavily drawn from Gene Sharp's 1973 book of 198 methods of nonviolent actions. The attempts to normalise foul, filthy language aimed at PM Modi and indecent behaviour during the recent protest by the Cockroach Janata Party (CJP), rejecting Supreme Court orders on registering FIRs on habitual offenders, questioning the need for seeking prior permission for staging a protest or making fun of the Prime Ministers mannerisms and language are all aimed at discrediting and undermining the democratic institutions and those in positions of power. What critics and supporters of this new attempt to normalize the foul, filthy language and indecent behaviour, fail to understand is that one day they themselves might well be paid in the same coin by the very same Gen Z whose actions they tried to defend. Second act of boycott in Gene Sharp's non-cooperation theory is to boycott the elections. The constant harping and raising doubts over the election machinery and the process is aimed at creating doubts in the minds of people, ultimately making them believe in a lie and provoking them to extreme measures of boycotting the elections itself. The fifth tool kit still in use is based on the 1974 Henry Kissinger's Report on Population & National Security. Also euphemistically called as Kissinger's Genocide Plan. Kissinger advocated Depopulation means like wars, genocide, pandemics and subverting agriculture through genetically modified crops through his 1974 report. (The writer is a senior journalist based in Mumbai.)

Lingua Pragmatica

Updated: Mar 20, 2025

As Southern leaders like M.K. Stalin rage against Hindi, Andhra Pradesh’s Chief Minister Chandrababu Naidu offers a model of pragmatism over parochialism.

Chandrababu Naidu
Andhra Pradesh

Amid the cacophony of opposition in southern states to Hindi, Andhra Pradesh CM N. Chandrababu Naidu has taken a markedly pragmatic stance by remarking recently in the state Assembly that there was no harm in learning other languages. Hindi, Naidu noted, was useful for communication across India, particularly in political and commercial hubs like Delhi. His remarks, though avoiding explicit mention of the NEP, were widely seen as an endorsement of multilingualism and a rebuke to the linguistic chauvinism that has gripped parts of the South.


Few issues in India stir political passions quite like language. It is not merely a means of communication but a marker of identity, a relic of colonial resistance, and a source of political mobilization. In the southern states, where anti-Hindi sentiment has long been entrenched, the National Education Policy (NEP) 2020 and its three-language formula have reignited old tensions. No state embodies this defiance more than Tamil Nadu, where the ruling Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK) led by M.K. Stalin has framed the policy as an assault on its linguistic autonomy.


Naidu’s words, welcomed by his ally and Deputy Chief Minister Pawan Kalyan, mark a sharp contrast with the DMK’s position. Tamil Nadu’s hostility towards Hindi dates back to the 1930s, when C. Rajagopalachari’s attempt to introduce it in schools met with fierce resistance. The anti-Hindi agitations of the 1960s cemented the DMK’s ideological stance, with its first Chief Minister, C.N. Annadurai, famously warning that Hindi imposition could push Tamil Nadu towards secession.


The question, however, is whether this rigid opposition serves Tamil Nadu’s interests. While Stalin, with an eye to the upcoming Tamil Nadu Assembly polls, has been relentlessly portraying Hindi as a threat to his state’s regional identity, Naidu, a partner of the BJP-led Centre, is framing it as a tool for economic mobility. His argument is not that Hindi should replace Telugu or English but that it offers a competitive advantage.


The economic case for multilingualism is compelling. Indians who speak multiple languages tend to have better job prospects, higher earnings and greater geographic mobility. Andhra Pradesh’s Telugu-speaking diaspora is a case in point. Telugus make up a significant proportion of Indian-origin professionals in the United States, the Gulf, and Southeast Asia as Naidu pointed out, hinting that this success story was built not on linguistic rigidity but on adaptability.


In a country where inter-state migration is rising and where Hindi remains the most widely spoken language, refusing to learn it amounts to self-imposed isolation. Tamil Nadu’s approach, by contrast, risks limiting its youth. The DMK government has refused to implement the three-language policy, keeping schools strictly bilingual with Tamil and English. Its justification that Hindi is not necessary for global success could be true in a narrow sense but ignores the domestic context. If Tamil filmmakers can dub their movies into Hindi to expand their audience, why should Tamil students be denied access to the language that could open more doors for them within India?


The DMK has accused successive central governments, particularly under the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), of pushing Hindi at the expense of regional languages. Yet, rejecting Hindi outright is an overcorrection. The reality is that Hindi is an important language in India’s economic and political landscape. Naidu’s position, one of accommodation rather than confrontation, offers a middle ground that other Southern leaders would do well to consider.


Some states already recognize this. Karnataka, despite its own history of linguistic pride, has allowed Hindi to be taught as an optional language. Kerala, whose migrants work in Hindi-speaking regions and the Gulf, has been less hostile to Hindi education. Naidu’s model, balancing regional identity with practical necessity, offers a way forward. Languages should be embraced, not politicized. Southern leaders would do well to listen to him.

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