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By:

Rajendra Joshi

3 December 2024 at 3:50:26 am

Gas on paper, shutdown on ground

Despite higher quotas, supply fails to reach ground Kolhapur: Despite official assurances and a 20 per cent increase in gas allocation for hotels and food processing units, operators in Kolhapur say supplies remain elusive. With distributors citing administrative curbs even as stocks are available, the crisis has pushed nearly 4,000 establishments to the brink — threatening 80,000 livelihoods and casting a shadow over the city’s tourism-dependent economy. The situation stands in contrast to...

Gas on paper, shutdown on ground

Despite higher quotas, supply fails to reach ground Kolhapur: Despite official assurances and a 20 per cent increase in gas allocation for hotels and food processing units, operators in Kolhapur say supplies remain elusive. With distributors citing administrative curbs even as stocks are available, the crisis has pushed nearly 4,000 establishments to the brink — threatening 80,000 livelihoods and casting a shadow over the city’s tourism-dependent economy. The situation stands in contrast to directions issued by Prime Minister Narendra Modi, who has emphasised that essential establishments should not face disruption in fuel and gas supplies. While policy decisions at the Centre and the state appear aligned to protect commercial users, implementation gaps at the district level have left hotel operators struggling to access basic fuel. Industry representatives allege that although gas distribution companies have confirmed adequate stock, supply is being withheld due to administrative restrictions. The lack of clarity and coordination has deepened uncertainty, with many operators warning that prolonged disruption could force them to suspend operations. Local Economy Kolhapur’s hospitality sector — comprising small eateries, mid-sized establishments and larger hotels — forms a critical pillar of the local economy. Beyond direct employment to nearly 80,000 workers, it sustains a wide network of suppliers, transporters and ancillary businesses. Any prolonged disruption in essential services such as gas, electricity and water, stakeholders point out, risks triggering a cascading economic impact. The origins of the current strain lie in global supply disruptions following tensions in the Gulf region, which prompted authorities to prioritise domestic LPG consumption. While commercial allocations were initially curtailed, subsequent policy revisions sought to restore balance by enhancing quotas for sectors such as hospitality and food processing. However, in Kolhapur, operators say these decisions have not translated into actual relief. No Response Compounding the crisis is the reported lack of administrative response. Industry members claim that attempts to reach district authorities have gone unanswered, leaving them without guidance or timelines for restoration of supply. “Gas is available, but supply is being denied citing administrative reasons. If this continues, we will be left with no option but to shut down operations,” said Sachin Shanbhag, a senior office-bearer of the Kolhapur Hotel Owners’ Association. Hotel operators also underline their longstanding role in public service, particularly during emergencies. From floods in Kolhapur to disasters beyond the state, the fraternity has repeatedly mobilised resources to provide food and relief — often at short notice and personal cost. During the Bhuj earthquake, Kolhapur-based operators were among the first to set up community kitchens for affected families. The current impasse, therefore, raises a broader question of administrative accountability. If the state can rely on the sector during crises, stakeholders argue, it must also ensure that the industry’s own operational needs are not neglected. Unless the supply chain is normalised quickly and gas is made available in line with declared quotas, the fallout could be severe. Apart from the immediate risk to thousands of livelihoods, Kolhapur’s tourism sector — still in a phase of recovery — could face a significant setback, undermining economic momentum in the region. Despite announcements by the Centre and the state to increase gas quotas for hotels and food processing units, local distributors are refusing supply, claiming the decision is limited to the national level. While they acknowledge that stock is available, supply continues to be denied citing prevailing conditions. Sachin Shanbhag, President, Kolhapur Hotel Owners’ Association

Lingua Pragmatica

Updated: Mar 20, 2025

As Southern leaders like M.K. Stalin rage against Hindi, Andhra Pradesh’s Chief Minister Chandrababu Naidu offers a model of pragmatism over parochialism.

Chandrababu Naidu
Andhra Pradesh

Amid the cacophony of opposition in southern states to Hindi, Andhra Pradesh CM N. Chandrababu Naidu has taken a markedly pragmatic stance by remarking recently in the state Assembly that there was no harm in learning other languages. Hindi, Naidu noted, was useful for communication across India, particularly in political and commercial hubs like Delhi. His remarks, though avoiding explicit mention of the NEP, were widely seen as an endorsement of multilingualism and a rebuke to the linguistic chauvinism that has gripped parts of the South.


Few issues in India stir political passions quite like language. It is not merely a means of communication but a marker of identity, a relic of colonial resistance, and a source of political mobilization. In the southern states, where anti-Hindi sentiment has long been entrenched, the National Education Policy (NEP) 2020 and its three-language formula have reignited old tensions. No state embodies this defiance more than Tamil Nadu, where the ruling Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK) led by M.K. Stalin has framed the policy as an assault on its linguistic autonomy.


Naidu’s words, welcomed by his ally and Deputy Chief Minister Pawan Kalyan, mark a sharp contrast with the DMK’s position. Tamil Nadu’s hostility towards Hindi dates back to the 1930s, when C. Rajagopalachari’s attempt to introduce it in schools met with fierce resistance. The anti-Hindi agitations of the 1960s cemented the DMK’s ideological stance, with its first Chief Minister, C.N. Annadurai, famously warning that Hindi imposition could push Tamil Nadu towards secession.


The question, however, is whether this rigid opposition serves Tamil Nadu’s interests. While Stalin, with an eye to the upcoming Tamil Nadu Assembly polls, has been relentlessly portraying Hindi as a threat to his state’s regional identity, Naidu, a partner of the BJP-led Centre, is framing it as a tool for economic mobility. His argument is not that Hindi should replace Telugu or English but that it offers a competitive advantage.


The economic case for multilingualism is compelling. Indians who speak multiple languages tend to have better job prospects, higher earnings and greater geographic mobility. Andhra Pradesh’s Telugu-speaking diaspora is a case in point. Telugus make up a significant proportion of Indian-origin professionals in the United States, the Gulf, and Southeast Asia as Naidu pointed out, hinting that this success story was built not on linguistic rigidity but on adaptability.


In a country where inter-state migration is rising and where Hindi remains the most widely spoken language, refusing to learn it amounts to self-imposed isolation. Tamil Nadu’s approach, by contrast, risks limiting its youth. The DMK government has refused to implement the three-language policy, keeping schools strictly bilingual with Tamil and English. Its justification that Hindi is not necessary for global success could be true in a narrow sense but ignores the domestic context. If Tamil filmmakers can dub their movies into Hindi to expand their audience, why should Tamil students be denied access to the language that could open more doors for them within India?


The DMK has accused successive central governments, particularly under the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), of pushing Hindi at the expense of regional languages. Yet, rejecting Hindi outright is an overcorrection. The reality is that Hindi is an important language in India’s economic and political landscape. Naidu’s position, one of accommodation rather than confrontation, offers a middle ground that other Southern leaders would do well to consider.


Some states already recognize this. Karnataka, despite its own history of linguistic pride, has allowed Hindi to be taught as an optional language. Kerala, whose migrants work in Hindi-speaking regions and the Gulf, has been less hostile to Hindi education. Naidu’s model, balancing regional identity with practical necessity, offers a way forward. Languages should be embraced, not politicized. Southern leaders would do well to listen to him.

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