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By:

Rajendra Joshi

3 December 2024 at 3:50:26 am

Kolhapur Police corruption broker exposed

Khaki, Black Money - Part 1 Crores allegedly traded for transfers and promotions; seven bank accounts under scanner AI Generated Image Kolhapur: Kolhapur has stumbled upon a rare moment of truth — and possibly a historic reckoning — within the police force. An alleged broker in the police establishment, Satish Panekar, was caught red-handed by the Anti-Corruption Bureau (ACB) a few months ago for demanding hefty bribes in return for transfers and promotions. After spending time behind bars,...

Kolhapur Police corruption broker exposed

Khaki, Black Money - Part 1 Crores allegedly traded for transfers and promotions; seven bank accounts under scanner AI Generated Image Kolhapur: Kolhapur has stumbled upon a rare moment of truth — and possibly a historic reckoning — within the police force. An alleged broker in the police establishment, Satish Panekar, was caught red-handed by the Anti-Corruption Bureau (ACB) a few months ago for demanding hefty bribes in return for transfers and promotions. After spending time behind bars, Panekar is now out on bail. Departmental and ACB probes are formally underway, and he is expected to face trial.   Yet, the central question remains deliberately unanswered: who was Panekar working for? Who is the real architect of this racket — the invisible hand that turned postings and promotions into a marketplace?   If that “big fish” is netted, the shockwaves could rattle the upper echelons of Maharashtra’s police hierarchy. This is not merely about one middleman. It is about dismantling a system that has converted the uniform into a licence to mint black money. Whether this opportunity is seized or squandered will determine the future credibility of a police force already battered by corruption.   Big Scandal The Panekar case has now become the most talked-about scandal within the Kolhapur police. He allegedly acted as a broker for transfers and promotions, with a woman police officer accused of identifying and funneling “clients” to him. Officers seeking favourable postings or career advancement were directed to Panekar, where the “rate card” was fixed. Once the payment was made, the desired transfer or promotion allegedly followed — as if by divine intervention.   What was earlier whispered in corridors is now openly discussed: the racket is believed to have handled transactions running into several crores of rupees. The Shiv Sena (Uddhav Thackeray faction) deputy leader Sanjay Pawar has formally alleged that Panekar parked this illegal wealth in multiple bank accounts held in his and his family members’ names. He has submitted details of seven such accounts to the district police chief, demanding a thorough probe.   The ACB, too, has reportedly sought permission from the Reserve Bank of India to access details of these accounts. If pursued honestly, the coming days could reveal the true scale of black money generated through police transfers and promotions — money extracted under the very authority meant to uphold the law. The biggest challenge, however, remains untouched: the arrest and exposure of the real mastermind.   Suspicion Widens Investigators believe the money collected by Panekar runs into several crores. The locations of the bank accounts raise further suspicion. Unlike ordinary citizens, who typically open accounts close to home, these accounts are spread across branches of nationalised and private banks in areas such as Kasba Bawda, Radhanagari and Gandhinagar. A pressure-free investigation could expose how deeply the police force has sunk into this cesspool — and who has been shielding whom.   The needle of suspicion, meanwhile, points towards a senior police officer in the state. Since Panekar’s arrest, this officer is said to have visited Kolhapur on three occasions. There is talk that the officer even met Panekar while he was in custody at the Rajarampuri police station and stayed in the city for three days. Who is this officer? How much wealth was accumulated during his tenure in Kolhapur?   If Panekar begins to speak candidly before the inquiry committee, these answers may no longer remain buried. But for that to happen, the committee needs more than procedure — it needs protection. Protection that can come only from the Chief Minister himself.

Lingua Pragmatica

Updated: Mar 20

As Southern leaders like M.K. Stalin rage against Hindi, Andhra Pradesh’s Chief Minister Chandrababu Naidu offers a model of pragmatism over parochialism.

Chandrababu Naidu
Andhra Pradesh

Amid the cacophony of opposition in southern states to Hindi, Andhra Pradesh CM N. Chandrababu Naidu has taken a markedly pragmatic stance by remarking recently in the state Assembly that there was no harm in learning other languages. Hindi, Naidu noted, was useful for communication across India, particularly in political and commercial hubs like Delhi. His remarks, though avoiding explicit mention of the NEP, were widely seen as an endorsement of multilingualism and a rebuke to the linguistic chauvinism that has gripped parts of the South.


Few issues in India stir political passions quite like language. It is not merely a means of communication but a marker of identity, a relic of colonial resistance, and a source of political mobilization. In the southern states, where anti-Hindi sentiment has long been entrenched, the National Education Policy (NEP) 2020 and its three-language formula have reignited old tensions. No state embodies this defiance more than Tamil Nadu, where the ruling Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK) led by M.K. Stalin has framed the policy as an assault on its linguistic autonomy.


Naidu’s words, welcomed by his ally and Deputy Chief Minister Pawan Kalyan, mark a sharp contrast with the DMK’s position. Tamil Nadu’s hostility towards Hindi dates back to the 1930s, when C. Rajagopalachari’s attempt to introduce it in schools met with fierce resistance. The anti-Hindi agitations of the 1960s cemented the DMK’s ideological stance, with its first Chief Minister, C.N. Annadurai, famously warning that Hindi imposition could push Tamil Nadu towards secession.


The question, however, is whether this rigid opposition serves Tamil Nadu’s interests. While Stalin, with an eye to the upcoming Tamil Nadu Assembly polls, has been relentlessly portraying Hindi as a threat to his state’s regional identity, Naidu, a partner of the BJP-led Centre, is framing it as a tool for economic mobility. His argument is not that Hindi should replace Telugu or English but that it offers a competitive advantage.


The economic case for multilingualism is compelling. Indians who speak multiple languages tend to have better job prospects, higher earnings and greater geographic mobility. Andhra Pradesh’s Telugu-speaking diaspora is a case in point. Telugus make up a significant proportion of Indian-origin professionals in the United States, the Gulf, and Southeast Asia as Naidu pointed out, hinting that this success story was built not on linguistic rigidity but on adaptability.


In a country where inter-state migration is rising and where Hindi remains the most widely spoken language, refusing to learn it amounts to self-imposed isolation. Tamil Nadu’s approach, by contrast, risks limiting its youth. The DMK government has refused to implement the three-language policy, keeping schools strictly bilingual with Tamil and English. Its justification that Hindi is not necessary for global success could be true in a narrow sense but ignores the domestic context. If Tamil filmmakers can dub their movies into Hindi to expand their audience, why should Tamil students be denied access to the language that could open more doors for them within India?


The DMK has accused successive central governments, particularly under the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), of pushing Hindi at the expense of regional languages. Yet, rejecting Hindi outright is an overcorrection. The reality is that Hindi is an important language in India’s economic and political landscape. Naidu’s position, one of accommodation rather than confrontation, offers a middle ground that other Southern leaders would do well to consider.


Some states already recognize this. Karnataka, despite its own history of linguistic pride, has allowed Hindi to be taught as an optional language. Kerala, whose migrants work in Hindi-speaking regions and the Gulf, has been less hostile to Hindi education. Naidu’s model, balancing regional identity with practical necessity, offers a way forward. Languages should be embraced, not politicized. Southern leaders would do well to listen to him.

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