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By:

Sumit Ranjan Das

21 August 2024 at 4:08:59 pm

EPFO’s Big Wage-Band Reset

Twelve years is a long time for a wage ceiling to remain unchanged. The last revision came in September 2014, when the limit was raised from Rs.6,500 to Rs.15,000. Last week, the Union Cabinet approved another increase, taking the ceiling to Rs.25,000 a month with effect from 17 September 2026. The government’s estimate is that more than 51 lakh additional employees will come within mandatory EPFO coverage as a result of the change. For employers and payroll professionals, however, the...

EPFO’s Big Wage-Band Reset

Twelve years is a long time for a wage ceiling to remain unchanged. The last revision came in September 2014, when the limit was raised from Rs.6,500 to Rs.15,000. Last week, the Union Cabinet approved another increase, taking the ceiling to Rs.25,000 a month with effect from 17 September 2026. The government’s estimate is that more than 51 lakh additional employees will come within mandatory EPFO coverage as a result of the change. For employers and payroll professionals, however, the headline number is only the starting point. The more important questions are who will be covered, which wages will be taken into account and how the revised provisions will be implemented. Wage Ceiling The existing wage ceiling of Rs.15,000 a month is being raised by Rs.10,000, or 66.7 percent, to Rs.25,000. The change takes effect from 17 September 2026 and marks the first revision since September 2014. The government expects more than 51 lakh additional employees to be covered. Estimated expenditure is about Rs.56,696 crore over five years, while annual government outgo is expected to rise to approximately Rs.11,339 crore. The standard contribution remains 12 percent each from the employee and employer, subject to applicable provisions. The Cabinet said the decision will expand access to provident-fund savings, pension protection under the Employees’ Pension Scheme (EPS) and insurance protection under the Employees’ Deposit Linked Insurance Scheme (EDLI), in accordance with the applicable scheme provisions. The wage ceiling is not merely an administrative threshold. It determines the point at which mandatory EPF coverage applies under the existing framework. At present, a fresh employee joining employment at wages above Rs.15,000 a month is not automatically brought within mandatory EPF coverage and may remain outside mandatory provident-fund, pension and associated insurance protection, subject to applicable statutory provisions. The revised ceiling will bring a substantial section of employees earning between Rs.15,000 and Rs.25,000 within the mandatory coverage framework. The government has also quantified the fiscal impact. The estimated expenditure is about Rs.56,696 crore over five years, while annual government outgo is expected to rise to approximately Rs.11,339 crore, compared with existing annual budgetary support of about Rs.10,250 crore. The Labour Ministry has linked the revision to sustained wage growth, rising incomes and the continued expansion of formal employment since the previous revision in 2014. Payroll Illustration Consider an employee earning Rs.22,000 a month who becomes subject to mandatory coverage under the revised ceiling. At the standard 12 percent contribution rate, if the full eligible wage is used as the contribution base, the employee’s contribution would rise from Rs.1,800 to Rs.2,640 a month, while the employer’s contribution would similarly rise from Rs.1,800 to Rs.2,640. Total monthly contributions would therefore increase from Rs.3,600 to Rs.5,280 — a combined increase of Rs.1,680. However, this should not be treated simply as Rs.1,680 of additional employee savings. Contributions are allocated between EPF and EPS components as prescribed, with the EPF component accumulating in the employee’s account and the EPS component providing pension benefits subject to scheme conditions. The Rs.22,000 example is illustrative, not a universal payroll formula. The final treatment of wage components, existing employees in this band, EPS allocation and transitional matters will depend on the statutory notification and EPFO implementation instructions. For payroll professionals, the immediate task is to assess the operational impact. Key questions include the effective date for existing employees and new joiners, which wage components will count towards PF, whether the 10 percent concessional rate for notified establishments will continue, how the revised ceiling will interact with EPS pensionable wages, and what changes will be required in payroll systems. The Cabinet approval establishes the policy decision; the formal Gazette notification and EPFO instructions will determine how it is translated into payroll processes. The revised ceiling is the first increase since September 2014 and is expected to bring more than 51 lakh additional employees, particularly those in the Rs.15,000-Rs.25,000 wage band, under mandatory EPFO coverage. For them, the change can expand access to provident-fund savings, EPS pension and EDLI insurance, subject to scheme provisions. For employers, it means reviewing payroll costs, employee data, eligible wage components, contribution calculations and compliance systems. The government has described the move as part of efforts to extend statutory social security and strengthen formal employment. The policy has been announced. For payroll professionals, the next chapter is implementation. (The writer is a Cost and Management Accountant and founder of TaxoDas. Views personal

Lingua Pragmatica

Correspondent
Mar 19, 2025
3 min read

Updated: Mar 20, 2025

As Southern leaders like M.K. Stalin rage against Hindi, Andhra Pradesh’s Chief Minister Chandrababu Naidu offers a model of pragmatism over parochialism.

Chandrababu Naidu
Andhra Pradesh

Amid the cacophony of opposition in southern states to Hindi, Andhra Pradesh CM N. Chandrababu Naidu has taken a markedly pragmatic stance by remarking recently in the state Assembly that there was no harm in learning other languages. Hindi, Naidu noted, was useful for communication across India, particularly in political and commercial hubs like Delhi. His remarks, though avoiding explicit mention of the NEP, were widely seen as an endorsement of multilingualism and a rebuke to the linguistic chauvinism that has gripped parts of the South.


Few issues in India stir political passions quite like language. It is not merely a means of communication but a marker of identity, a relic of colonial resistance, and a source of political mobilization. In the southern states, where anti-Hindi sentiment has long been entrenched, the National Education Policy (NEP) 2020 and its three-language formula have reignited old tensions. No state embodies this defiance more than Tamil Nadu, where the ruling Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK) led by M.K. Stalin has framed the policy as an assault on its linguistic autonomy.


Naidu’s words, welcomed by his ally and Deputy Chief Minister Pawan Kalyan, mark a sharp contrast with the DMK’s position. Tamil Nadu’s hostility towards Hindi dates back to the 1930s, when C. Rajagopalachari’s attempt to introduce it in schools met with fierce resistance. The anti-Hindi agitations of the 1960s cemented the DMK’s ideological stance, with its first Chief Minister, C.N. Annadurai, famously warning that Hindi imposition could push Tamil Nadu towards secession.


The question, however, is whether this rigid opposition serves Tamil Nadu’s interests. While Stalin, with an eye to the upcoming Tamil Nadu Assembly polls, has been relentlessly portraying Hindi as a threat to his state’s regional identity, Naidu, a partner of the BJP-led Centre, is framing it as a tool for economic mobility. His argument is not that Hindi should replace Telugu or English but that it offers a competitive advantage.


The economic case for multilingualism is compelling. Indians who speak multiple languages tend to have better job prospects, higher earnings and greater geographic mobility. Andhra Pradesh’s Telugu-speaking diaspora is a case in point. Telugus make up a significant proportion of Indian-origin professionals in the United States, the Gulf, and Southeast Asia as Naidu pointed out, hinting that this success story was built not on linguistic rigidity but on adaptability.


In a country where inter-state migration is rising and where Hindi remains the most widely spoken language, refusing to learn it amounts to self-imposed isolation. Tamil Nadu’s approach, by contrast, risks limiting its youth. The DMK government has refused to implement the three-language policy, keeping schools strictly bilingual with Tamil and English. Its justification that Hindi is not necessary for global success could be true in a narrow sense but ignores the domestic context. If Tamil filmmakers can dub their movies into Hindi to expand their audience, why should Tamil students be denied access to the language that could open more doors for them within India?


The DMK has accused successive central governments, particularly under the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), of pushing Hindi at the expense of regional languages. Yet, rejecting Hindi outright is an overcorrection. The reality is that Hindi is an important language in India’s economic and political landscape. Naidu’s position, one of accommodation rather than confrontation, offers a middle ground that other Southern leaders would do well to consider.


Some states already recognize this. Karnataka, despite its own history of linguistic pride, has allowed Hindi to be taught as an optional language. Kerala, whose migrants work in Hindi-speaking regions and the Gulf, has been less hostile to Hindi education. Naidu’s model, balancing regional identity with practical necessity, offers a way forward. Languages should be embraced, not politicized. Southern leaders would do well to listen to him.

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