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By:

Bhalchandra Chorghade

11 August 2025 at 1:54:18 pm

Missing Link on Mumbai–Pune Expressway: A Critical Infrastructure Push

Mumbai: The over 30-plus hour traffic jam on the Mumbai–Pune Expressway on Wednesday and Thursday, has once again underscored the urgent need for the long-pending “Missing Link” project — a strategic intervention aimed at eliminating chronic congestion, particularly along the vulnerable Khandala-Lonavala ghat stretch. The unprecedented disruption, triggered by an overturned gas tanker near the Adoshi tunnel, left thousands stranded for over a day and exposed deep structural bottlenecks in...

Missing Link on Mumbai–Pune Expressway: A Critical Infrastructure Push

Mumbai: The over 30-plus hour traffic jam on the Mumbai–Pune Expressway on Wednesday and Thursday, has once again underscored the urgent need for the long-pending “Missing Link” project — a strategic intervention aimed at eliminating chronic congestion, particularly along the vulnerable Khandala-Lonavala ghat stretch. The unprecedented disruption, triggered by an overturned gas tanker near the Adoshi tunnel, left thousands stranded for over a day and exposed deep structural bottlenecks in Maharashtra’s most vital intercity corridor. Chaos That Exposed Infrastructure Gaps The crisis illustrated how a single accident can paralyse the entire expressway for hours — or even days. Commuters reported limited emergency support, slow vehicle movement and widespread frustration as the traffic jam extended beyond 30 hours. Experts and transport planners argue that the existing ghat section remains highly vulnerable due to steep gradients, merging traffic streams and limited bypass options. Consequently, when accidents occur, there are few alternative alignments to divert vehicles, leading to cascading traffic failure across the corridor. Why the Missing Link Is a Structural Solution The 13-km-plus Missing Link project, being implemented by the Maharashtra State Road Development Corporation (MSRDC), is designed precisely to address such systemic weaknesses. By bypassing accident-prone curves and congested mountain stretches, the project aims to reduce travel distance by about 6 km and save roughly 20–30 minutes under normal conditions — with even greater gains during peak congestion. The new alignment includes two major tunnels, cable-stayed bridges and modern viaducts engineered to allow smoother traffic flow while minimising landslide risks and bottlenecks. Urban mobility experts note that had the Missing Link been operational, a significant portion of traffic could have been diverted away from the accident site, potentially reducing the scale and duration of the recent gridlock. Current Project Status and Completion Outlook After multiple delays due to engineering challenges, weather conditions and complex terrain, MSRDC has pushed the completion target to early 2026, with tunnelling work largely finished and bridge construction nearing completion. Authorities have repeatedly emphasised that the project is nearing completion, with overall progress crossing the mid-90% mark in recent updates. Rajesh Patil, Joint Managing Director, Maharashtra State Road Development Corporation (MSRDC) said, " We will complete the project by April 2026 end. We have completed 97% of the project and only 3% of the work remains.” Strategic Implications for Mobility and Safety Once operational, the Missing Link is expected to significantly reduce congestion in the ghat section — historically the weakest link in the Mumbai–Pune transport ecosystem. The project will not only improve travel reliability but also enhance road safety by eliminating dangerous hairpin bends and steep inclines that contribute to accidents and frequent traffic standstills. In broader economic terms, smoother intercity mobility is crucial for logistics efficiency, tourism flows and industrial connectivity between Maharashtra’s two largest economic hubs. The traffic nightmare has reinforced a long-standing truth: Maharashtra’s busiest expressway cannot rely on legacy infrastructure alone. The Missing Link project is no longer just a capacity upgrade — it is an operational necessity to ensure resilience against accidents, disasters and surging traffic demand. With completion now targeted for April 2026, its timely commissioning will be critical in restoring commuter confidence, reducing systemic vulnerability and future-proofing one of India’s most strategically important highways.

Lingua Pragmatica

Updated: Mar 20, 2025

As Southern leaders like M.K. Stalin rage against Hindi, Andhra Pradesh’s Chief Minister Chandrababu Naidu offers a model of pragmatism over parochialism.

Chandrababu Naidu
Andhra Pradesh

Amid the cacophony of opposition in southern states to Hindi, Andhra Pradesh CM N. Chandrababu Naidu has taken a markedly pragmatic stance by remarking recently in the state Assembly that there was no harm in learning other languages. Hindi, Naidu noted, was useful for communication across India, particularly in political and commercial hubs like Delhi. His remarks, though avoiding explicit mention of the NEP, were widely seen as an endorsement of multilingualism and a rebuke to the linguistic chauvinism that has gripped parts of the South.


Few issues in India stir political passions quite like language. It is not merely a means of communication but a marker of identity, a relic of colonial resistance, and a source of political mobilization. In the southern states, where anti-Hindi sentiment has long been entrenched, the National Education Policy (NEP) 2020 and its three-language formula have reignited old tensions. No state embodies this defiance more than Tamil Nadu, where the ruling Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK) led by M.K. Stalin has framed the policy as an assault on its linguistic autonomy.


Naidu’s words, welcomed by his ally and Deputy Chief Minister Pawan Kalyan, mark a sharp contrast with the DMK’s position. Tamil Nadu’s hostility towards Hindi dates back to the 1930s, when C. Rajagopalachari’s attempt to introduce it in schools met with fierce resistance. The anti-Hindi agitations of the 1960s cemented the DMK’s ideological stance, with its first Chief Minister, C.N. Annadurai, famously warning that Hindi imposition could push Tamil Nadu towards secession.


The question, however, is whether this rigid opposition serves Tamil Nadu’s interests. While Stalin, with an eye to the upcoming Tamil Nadu Assembly polls, has been relentlessly portraying Hindi as a threat to his state’s regional identity, Naidu, a partner of the BJP-led Centre, is framing it as a tool for economic mobility. His argument is not that Hindi should replace Telugu or English but that it offers a competitive advantage.


The economic case for multilingualism is compelling. Indians who speak multiple languages tend to have better job prospects, higher earnings and greater geographic mobility. Andhra Pradesh’s Telugu-speaking diaspora is a case in point. Telugus make up a significant proportion of Indian-origin professionals in the United States, the Gulf, and Southeast Asia as Naidu pointed out, hinting that this success story was built not on linguistic rigidity but on adaptability.


In a country where inter-state migration is rising and where Hindi remains the most widely spoken language, refusing to learn it amounts to self-imposed isolation. Tamil Nadu’s approach, by contrast, risks limiting its youth. The DMK government has refused to implement the three-language policy, keeping schools strictly bilingual with Tamil and English. Its justification that Hindi is not necessary for global success could be true in a narrow sense but ignores the domestic context. If Tamil filmmakers can dub their movies into Hindi to expand their audience, why should Tamil students be denied access to the language that could open more doors for them within India?


The DMK has accused successive central governments, particularly under the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), of pushing Hindi at the expense of regional languages. Yet, rejecting Hindi outright is an overcorrection. The reality is that Hindi is an important language in India’s economic and political landscape. Naidu’s position, one of accommodation rather than confrontation, offers a middle ground that other Southern leaders would do well to consider.


Some states already recognize this. Karnataka, despite its own history of linguistic pride, has allowed Hindi to be taught as an optional language. Kerala, whose migrants work in Hindi-speaking regions and the Gulf, has been less hostile to Hindi education. Naidu’s model, balancing regional identity with practical necessity, offers a way forward. Languages should be embraced, not politicized. Southern leaders would do well to listen to him.

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