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By:

Amey Chitale

28 October 2024 at 5:29:02 am

Growth Without Fireworks

The Budget leans on tourism, technology, trade calibration and fiscal discipline to anchor growth amid global uncertainty Mumbai: The new budget positions tourism as a key driver of jobs, forex earnings, and local growth. Incentives will back indigenous seaplane manufacturing through a Seaplane VGF Scheme, while a new National Institute of Hospitality will strengthen academia-industry-government linkages. A pilot programme will upskill 10,000 guides at 20 iconic sites with IIM collaboration,...

Growth Without Fireworks

The Budget leans on tourism, technology, trade calibration and fiscal discipline to anchor growth amid global uncertainty Mumbai: The new budget positions tourism as a key driver of jobs, forex earnings, and local growth. Incentives will back indigenous seaplane manufacturing through a Seaplane VGF Scheme, while a new National Institute of Hospitality will strengthen academia-industry-government linkages. A pilot programme will upskill 10,000 guides at 20 iconic sites with IIM collaboration, and a National Destination Digital Knowledge Grid will document cultural and heritage sites. Heritage tourism will be enhanced with experiential upgrades at 15 archaeological sites, and new projects will expand the Buddhist circuit in the northeast. Seven High-Speed Rail corridors will serve as sustainable ‘growth connectors,’ boosting mobility and linking emerging hubs. Software services, IT-enabled services, KPO, and contract R&D are consolidated under ‘Information Technology Services’ with a uniform safe harbour margin of 15.5 percent. The safe harbour threshold rises from Rs. 300 crore to Rs. 2,000 crore, easing compliance for mid-sized firms. To spur investment in critical infrastructure, a tax holiday until 2047 is offered to foreign companies delivering global cloud services via Indian data centres, provided domestic customers are served through Indian resellers. This landmark measure positions modern data centres as central pillars of India’s digital economy and future growth. Key Reforms Income tax rates remain steady but introduces key compliance reforms. TCS on foreign travel and education is reduced to 2 percent, and TDS rules for manpower services have been simplified. Taxpayers can now file Form 15G/15H directly through depositories, easing coordination. Penalty provisions are de-criminalised, with many shifted to late fees. While broader capital gains rationalisation was anticipated, relief comes through treating buyback proceeds as capital gains, lowering the tax burden for recipients. Trade-friendly customs duty reforms find place instead changes rather than sweeping reforms. The duty-free import limit for seafood export inputs rises from 1 percent to 3 percent of turnover, with similar relief extended to shoe uppers. Exporters of leather, textiles, and footwear gain flexibility as the export period is extended to one year. To encourage domestic value addition in consumer electronics, specified parts for microwave oven manufacturing are now exempted. The recommendations of 16th Finance Commission have been accepted by the centre which recommended 41 percent devolution. Budget 2026 reaffirms the government’s commitment to fiscal consolidation while safeguarding social priorities. The debt-to-GDP ratio is projected to decline from 56.1 percent in 2025–26 to 55.6 percent in 2026–27, freeing resources for priority spending by lowering interest outgo. The fiscal deficit target has been met at 4.4 percent of GDP in 2025–26 and is estimated to further ease to 4.3 percent in 2026–27, in line with the path toward a 50±1 percent debt-to-GDP ratio by 2030–31. Revised estimates for 2025–26 place non-debt receipts at Rs. 34 trillion and expenditure at Rs. 49.6 trillion, including Rs. 11 trillion in capital outlay. For 2026–27, receipts are projected at Rs. 36.5 trillion and expenditure at Rs. 53.5 trillion, with net tax receipts of Rs. 28.7 trillion. The government is banking on higher RBI dividends and higher disinvestment receipts. Fiscal deficit financing will hinge on Rs. 11.7 trillion in net market borrowings, supplemented by small savings and other sources, with gross borrowings at Rs. 17 trillion. Successful execution will decide if the budget’s ambitions become reality. This year’s strategy favours actions over numbers, consolidating and reinforcing the ecosystem instead of chasing headline reforms. Amid geopolitical tensions and market volatility, it prioritises stability and durable growth over quick wins - less a Sehwag-style first-ball six, more a Rahul Dravid innings: deliberate, resilient, and built for the long haul.

Lingua Pragmatica

Updated: Mar 20, 2025

As Southern leaders like M.K. Stalin rage against Hindi, Andhra Pradesh’s Chief Minister Chandrababu Naidu offers a model of pragmatism over parochialism.

Chandrababu Naidu
Andhra Pradesh

Amid the cacophony of opposition in southern states to Hindi, Andhra Pradesh CM N. Chandrababu Naidu has taken a markedly pragmatic stance by remarking recently in the state Assembly that there was no harm in learning other languages. Hindi, Naidu noted, was useful for communication across India, particularly in political and commercial hubs like Delhi. His remarks, though avoiding explicit mention of the NEP, were widely seen as an endorsement of multilingualism and a rebuke to the linguistic chauvinism that has gripped parts of the South.


Few issues in India stir political passions quite like language. It is not merely a means of communication but a marker of identity, a relic of colonial resistance, and a source of political mobilization. In the southern states, where anti-Hindi sentiment has long been entrenched, the National Education Policy (NEP) 2020 and its three-language formula have reignited old tensions. No state embodies this defiance more than Tamil Nadu, where the ruling Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK) led by M.K. Stalin has framed the policy as an assault on its linguistic autonomy.


Naidu’s words, welcomed by his ally and Deputy Chief Minister Pawan Kalyan, mark a sharp contrast with the DMK’s position. Tamil Nadu’s hostility towards Hindi dates back to the 1930s, when C. Rajagopalachari’s attempt to introduce it in schools met with fierce resistance. The anti-Hindi agitations of the 1960s cemented the DMK’s ideological stance, with its first Chief Minister, C.N. Annadurai, famously warning that Hindi imposition could push Tamil Nadu towards secession.


The question, however, is whether this rigid opposition serves Tamil Nadu’s interests. While Stalin, with an eye to the upcoming Tamil Nadu Assembly polls, has been relentlessly portraying Hindi as a threat to his state’s regional identity, Naidu, a partner of the BJP-led Centre, is framing it as a tool for economic mobility. His argument is not that Hindi should replace Telugu or English but that it offers a competitive advantage.


The economic case for multilingualism is compelling. Indians who speak multiple languages tend to have better job prospects, higher earnings and greater geographic mobility. Andhra Pradesh’s Telugu-speaking diaspora is a case in point. Telugus make up a significant proportion of Indian-origin professionals in the United States, the Gulf, and Southeast Asia as Naidu pointed out, hinting that this success story was built not on linguistic rigidity but on adaptability.


In a country where inter-state migration is rising and where Hindi remains the most widely spoken language, refusing to learn it amounts to self-imposed isolation. Tamil Nadu’s approach, by contrast, risks limiting its youth. The DMK government has refused to implement the three-language policy, keeping schools strictly bilingual with Tamil and English. Its justification that Hindi is not necessary for global success could be true in a narrow sense but ignores the domestic context. If Tamil filmmakers can dub their movies into Hindi to expand their audience, why should Tamil students be denied access to the language that could open more doors for them within India?


The DMK has accused successive central governments, particularly under the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), of pushing Hindi at the expense of regional languages. Yet, rejecting Hindi outright is an overcorrection. The reality is that Hindi is an important language in India’s economic and political landscape. Naidu’s position, one of accommodation rather than confrontation, offers a middle ground that other Southern leaders would do well to consider.


Some states already recognize this. Karnataka, despite its own history of linguistic pride, has allowed Hindi to be taught as an optional language. Kerala, whose migrants work in Hindi-speaking regions and the Gulf, has been less hostile to Hindi education. Naidu’s model, balancing regional identity with practical necessity, offers a way forward. Languages should be embraced, not politicized. Southern leaders would do well to listen to him.

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