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By:

Abhijit Mulye

21 August 2024 at 4:59:11 pm

Fadnavis seeks judicial probe against chiefs

AI Generated Image Mumbai: Chief Minister Devendra Fadnavis, on Monday, requested Governor Jishnu Dev Verma to constitute a committee to investigate the current and former chairpersons of the Maharashtra Public Service Commission (MPSC) over an exam paper leak by invoking Article 317 of the Constitution, even as opposition MLA Rohit Pawar issued a two-day ultimatum to the state government, warning that the protesting MPSC aspirants will either shut down Pune city or storm the Mantralaya if...

Fadnavis seeks judicial probe against chiefs

AI Generated Image Mumbai: Chief Minister Devendra Fadnavis, on Monday, requested Governor Jishnu Dev Verma to constitute a committee to investigate the current and former chairpersons of the Maharashtra Public Service Commission (MPSC) over an exam paper leak by invoking Article 317 of the Constitution, even as opposition MLA Rohit Pawar issued a two-day ultimatum to the state government, warning that the protesting MPSC aspirants will either shut down Pune city or storm the Mantralaya if the commission’s leadership is not held accountable. The chief minister’s recommendation to the Governor follows a high-level meeting with a delegation of students preparing for competitive exams. Responding to their primary demand for the immediate removal of MPSC Chairman Vivek Bhimanwar, the government clarified that a constitutional inquiry is legally mandated before any dismissal. Consequently, Fadnavis has urged the Governor to appoint a retired High Court judge to head the probe committee, requesting a report within three months to facilitate further administrative action. Honoring another commitment made during the meeting, the state government issued orders transferring MPSC Secretary Mahendra Harpalkar from his post. The current unrest stems from the leaked Food and Drug Administration (FDA) drug inspector examination paper, a breach that recently led to the arrest of several accused individuals and three beneficiary students. However, the state government’s actions have failed to quell the agitation in Pune, which has now entered its fifth day and fractured into three distinct groups over varying demands, including disputes over descriptive versus objective exam patterns. The protest site has rapidly transformed into a political flashpoint, drawing visits from prominent leaders across the spectrum, including Sharad Pawar, Raj Thackeray, Aaditya Thackeray, and Manoj Jarange Patil. Taking an aggressive stance on the ground, NCP (SP) MLA Rohit Pawar cautioned the administration that a massive escalation is imminent. Anticipating a potential visit by Congress leader Rahul Gandhi on October 7 or 8, Pawar estimated that over one lakh students could soon take to the streets. He stated that the students and their parents will heed calls to lock down Pune entirely or march directly to the state secretariat in Mumbai if the government fails to clean up the alleged corruption within the MPSC. The escalating standoff also triggered a direct political exchange between Pawar and Minister Nitesh Rane. Rane urged Pawar not to hold students hostage for political optics, emphasizing that the issue concerns the future of the youth and should not be used as a political launchpad. Rane sarcastically extended an olive branch, stating that as friends, they might even work together as cabinet ministers in the future. Pawar quickly dismissed the overture, retorting that Rane should focus on demanding Bhimanwar’s resignation from his own government rather than predicting future alliances. Pawar quipped that the BJP’s sudden collaborative tone indicates they have realized a change in government is imminent, urging Rane to show the courage to sit in the opposition. Meanwhile, the ruling BJP launched a fierce counter-offensive, categorizing the Pune protests as a staged political event rather than a genuine student movement. Addressing a press conference at the BJP state office, chief spokesperson Navnath Ban alleged that 80 percent of the crowd consists of political workers. Ban claimed that after genuine students boycotted the initial days of the protest, Pawar orchestrated the arrival of employees from Baramati Agro and local sugar factories in 200 to 250 vehicles bearing political flags. Defending the MPSC chairman, Ban pointed out that the paper leak did not even occur during Bhimanwar’s tenure as he took charge in March 2026 and noted that the student delegation that met with Fadnavis in Mumbai had already expressed satisfaction with the government’s intervention. To bolster his claim of political infiltration, the BJP spokesperson cited a recent incident where Shiv Sena (UBT) MP Omraje Nimbalkar was met with hostile “traitor” slogans at the protest site, arguing this proved the crowd consisted of partisan workers rather than competitive exam aspirants seeking academic reforms.

Lingua Pragmatica

Correspondent
Mar 19, 2025
3 min read

Updated: Mar 20, 2025

As Southern leaders like M.K. Stalin rage against Hindi, Andhra Pradesh’s Chief Minister Chandrababu Naidu offers a model of pragmatism over parochialism.

Chandrababu Naidu
Andhra Pradesh

Amid the cacophony of opposition in southern states to Hindi, Andhra Pradesh CM N. Chandrababu Naidu has taken a markedly pragmatic stance by remarking recently in the state Assembly that there was no harm in learning other languages. Hindi, Naidu noted, was useful for communication across India, particularly in political and commercial hubs like Delhi. His remarks, though avoiding explicit mention of the NEP, were widely seen as an endorsement of multilingualism and a rebuke to the linguistic chauvinism that has gripped parts of the South.


Few issues in India stir political passions quite like language. It is not merely a means of communication but a marker of identity, a relic of colonial resistance, and a source of political mobilization. In the southern states, where anti-Hindi sentiment has long been entrenched, the National Education Policy (NEP) 2020 and its three-language formula have reignited old tensions. No state embodies this defiance more than Tamil Nadu, where the ruling Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK) led by M.K. Stalin has framed the policy as an assault on its linguistic autonomy.


Naidu’s words, welcomed by his ally and Deputy Chief Minister Pawan Kalyan, mark a sharp contrast with the DMK’s position. Tamil Nadu’s hostility towards Hindi dates back to the 1930s, when C. Rajagopalachari’s attempt to introduce it in schools met with fierce resistance. The anti-Hindi agitations of the 1960s cemented the DMK’s ideological stance, with its first Chief Minister, C.N. Annadurai, famously warning that Hindi imposition could push Tamil Nadu towards secession.


The question, however, is whether this rigid opposition serves Tamil Nadu’s interests. While Stalin, with an eye to the upcoming Tamil Nadu Assembly polls, has been relentlessly portraying Hindi as a threat to his state’s regional identity, Naidu, a partner of the BJP-led Centre, is framing it as a tool for economic mobility. His argument is not that Hindi should replace Telugu or English but that it offers a competitive advantage.


The economic case for multilingualism is compelling. Indians who speak multiple languages tend to have better job prospects, higher earnings and greater geographic mobility. Andhra Pradesh’s Telugu-speaking diaspora is a case in point. Telugus make up a significant proportion of Indian-origin professionals in the United States, the Gulf, and Southeast Asia as Naidu pointed out, hinting that this success story was built not on linguistic rigidity but on adaptability.


In a country where inter-state migration is rising and where Hindi remains the most widely spoken language, refusing to learn it amounts to self-imposed isolation. Tamil Nadu’s approach, by contrast, risks limiting its youth. The DMK government has refused to implement the three-language policy, keeping schools strictly bilingual with Tamil and English. Its justification that Hindi is not necessary for global success could be true in a narrow sense but ignores the domestic context. If Tamil filmmakers can dub their movies into Hindi to expand their audience, why should Tamil students be denied access to the language that could open more doors for them within India?


The DMK has accused successive central governments, particularly under the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), of pushing Hindi at the expense of regional languages. Yet, rejecting Hindi outright is an overcorrection. The reality is that Hindi is an important language in India’s economic and political landscape. Naidu’s position, one of accommodation rather than confrontation, offers a middle ground that other Southern leaders would do well to consider.


Some states already recognize this. Karnataka, despite its own history of linguistic pride, has allowed Hindi to be taught as an optional language. Kerala, whose migrants work in Hindi-speaking regions and the Gulf, has been less hostile to Hindi education. Naidu’s model, balancing regional identity with practical necessity, offers a way forward. Languages should be embraced, not politicized. Southern leaders would do well to listen to him.

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