top of page

By:

Madhukar Mazire

12 November 2024 at 3:30:20 am

India Needs a Credit Repair Framework—Not Permanent Financial Punishment

India’s financial system has made remarkable progress in expanding credit access. Yet, there is a quiet crisis unfolding beneath the surface—millions of otherwise responsible borrowers remain locked out of formal credit due to temporary financial distress experienced during extraordinary times. The COVID-19 pandemic, followed by economic disruptions, medical emergencies, and employment instability, pushed many individuals into short-term loan defaults. These were not cases of wilful...

India Needs a Credit Repair Framework—Not Permanent Financial Punishment

India’s financial system has made remarkable progress in expanding credit access. Yet, there is a quiet crisis unfolding beneath the surface—millions of otherwise responsible borrowers remain locked out of formal credit due to temporary financial distress experienced during extraordinary times. The COVID-19 pandemic, followed by economic disruptions, medical emergencies, and employment instability, pushed many individuals into short-term loan defaults. These were not cases of wilful negligence, but of systemic shock. However, our credit reporting and scoring mechanisms continue to treat such defaults as permanent red flags, often without scope for contextual review or rehabilitation. Recently, I submitted a proposal to the Reserve Bank of India (RBI) and the Ministry of Finance urging the introduction of a structured Credit Repair and Rehabilitation Framework—one that balances credit discipline with economic realism and human fairness. Why Credit Repair Matters Now India is aiming to become a $5 trillion economy, driven by consumption, entrepreneurship, and MSME growth. Yet, credit exclusion acts as a silent brake on this ambition. When salaried professionals, small entrepreneurs, and self-employed workers are denied access to loans years after a one-time crisis default, we unintentionally push them toward informal lending, higher interest rates, or economic stagnation. A rigid “once-defaulted, always-risky” approach may protect balance sheets in the short term, but it undermines long-term credit expansion and trust in the formal system. Learning from Global Practices Globally, regulators are rethinking this approach. For instance, the People’s Bank of China (PBOC) has recently introduced a regulated credit repair mechanism allowing borrowers with limited, time-bound overdue records from crisis periods to restore creditworthiness. Importantly, this does not weaken credit discipline—it strengthens it by distinguishing temporary hardship from habitual default. India, with its robust digital banking and credit infrastructure, is well-positioned to design an even more nuanced and accountable framework. What a Balanced Framework Could Look Like A well-regulated credit rehabilitation policy could include: • Eligibility limited to crisis-period defaults, officially notified by regulators • Caps on overdue amount and frequency • Mandatory cooling-off periods and improved repayment behaviour • Bank-led review and approval mechanisms • Clear RBI guidelines for credit bureaus on data correction and updating Such a framework would be conditional, transparent, and auditable, ensuring no dilution of systemic risk controls. Economic Inclusion Is Economic Strength Credit systems are not merely risk filters—they are economic enablers. A borrower who recovers, repays consistently, and rebuilds financial discipline should not remain excluded indefinitely due to a past crisis. True financial inclusion is not just about opening accounts or issuing loans—it is about allowing recovery, rebuilding trust, and restoring dignity within the system. The Way Forward This is an opportune moment for RBI and the Finance Ministry to initiate a structured consultation with banks, NBFCs, credit bureaus, economists, and consumer representatives to explore a calibrated credit repair framework tailored for India. Second chances, when governed responsibly, do not weaken economies—they strengthen them. As India charts its next phase of growth, our credit policies must evolve from being purely punitive to progressively rehabilitative, without compromising prudence.

Lingua Pragmatica

Updated: Mar 20

As Southern leaders like M.K. Stalin rage against Hindi, Andhra Pradesh’s Chief Minister Chandrababu Naidu offers a model of pragmatism over parochialism.

Chandrababu Naidu
Andhra Pradesh

Amid the cacophony of opposition in southern states to Hindi, Andhra Pradesh CM N. Chandrababu Naidu has taken a markedly pragmatic stance by remarking recently in the state Assembly that there was no harm in learning other languages. Hindi, Naidu noted, was useful for communication across India, particularly in political and commercial hubs like Delhi. His remarks, though avoiding explicit mention of the NEP, were widely seen as an endorsement of multilingualism and a rebuke to the linguistic chauvinism that has gripped parts of the South.


Few issues in India stir political passions quite like language. It is not merely a means of communication but a marker of identity, a relic of colonial resistance, and a source of political mobilization. In the southern states, where anti-Hindi sentiment has long been entrenched, the National Education Policy (NEP) 2020 and its three-language formula have reignited old tensions. No state embodies this defiance more than Tamil Nadu, where the ruling Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK) led by M.K. Stalin has framed the policy as an assault on its linguistic autonomy.


Naidu’s words, welcomed by his ally and Deputy Chief Minister Pawan Kalyan, mark a sharp contrast with the DMK’s position. Tamil Nadu’s hostility towards Hindi dates back to the 1930s, when C. Rajagopalachari’s attempt to introduce it in schools met with fierce resistance. The anti-Hindi agitations of the 1960s cemented the DMK’s ideological stance, with its first Chief Minister, C.N. Annadurai, famously warning that Hindi imposition could push Tamil Nadu towards secession.


The question, however, is whether this rigid opposition serves Tamil Nadu’s interests. While Stalin, with an eye to the upcoming Tamil Nadu Assembly polls, has been relentlessly portraying Hindi as a threat to his state’s regional identity, Naidu, a partner of the BJP-led Centre, is framing it as a tool for economic mobility. His argument is not that Hindi should replace Telugu or English but that it offers a competitive advantage.


The economic case for multilingualism is compelling. Indians who speak multiple languages tend to have better job prospects, higher earnings and greater geographic mobility. Andhra Pradesh’s Telugu-speaking diaspora is a case in point. Telugus make up a significant proportion of Indian-origin professionals in the United States, the Gulf, and Southeast Asia as Naidu pointed out, hinting that this success story was built not on linguistic rigidity but on adaptability.


In a country where inter-state migration is rising and where Hindi remains the most widely spoken language, refusing to learn it amounts to self-imposed isolation. Tamil Nadu’s approach, by contrast, risks limiting its youth. The DMK government has refused to implement the three-language policy, keeping schools strictly bilingual with Tamil and English. Its justification that Hindi is not necessary for global success could be true in a narrow sense but ignores the domestic context. If Tamil filmmakers can dub their movies into Hindi to expand their audience, why should Tamil students be denied access to the language that could open more doors for them within India?


The DMK has accused successive central governments, particularly under the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), of pushing Hindi at the expense of regional languages. Yet, rejecting Hindi outright is an overcorrection. The reality is that Hindi is an important language in India’s economic and political landscape. Naidu’s position, one of accommodation rather than confrontation, offers a middle ground that other Southern leaders would do well to consider.


Some states already recognize this. Karnataka, despite its own history of linguistic pride, has allowed Hindi to be taught as an optional language. Kerala, whose migrants work in Hindi-speaking regions and the Gulf, has been less hostile to Hindi education. Naidu’s model, balancing regional identity with practical necessity, offers a way forward. Languages should be embraced, not politicized. Southern leaders would do well to listen to him.

Comments

bottom of page