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By:

Quaid Najmi

4 January 2025 at 8:56:24 pm

MNS’ signature drive to oust CEC

Mumbai: The Maharashtra Navnirman Sena (MNS) launched a statewide signature campaign on Monday, demanding the resignation of Chief Election Commissioner (CEC) Gyanesh Kumar over allegations concerning the Election Commission’s functioning and the Special Intensive Revision (SIR) of electoral rolls, starting with Mumbai and Navi Mumbai. The main campaign was taken up at the Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj Park, to mobilise direct public support for the ouster of the CEC and changes to the...

MNS’ signature drive to oust CEC

Mumbai: The Maharashtra Navnirman Sena (MNS) launched a statewide signature campaign on Monday, demanding the resignation of Chief Election Commissioner (CEC) Gyanesh Kumar over allegations concerning the Election Commission’s functioning and the Special Intensive Revision (SIR) of electoral rolls, starting with Mumbai and Navi Mumbai. The main campaign was taken up at the Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj Park, to mobilise direct public support for the ouster of the CEC and changes to the electoral processes, besides scrapping the Election Commission of India (ECI)’s Special Intensive Revision (SIR). Shiv Sena (UBT) leader Aditya Thackeray, brother Tejas and their cousin, MNS functionary Amit Thackeray, along with top leaders from both parties staged a protest march in Dadar this evening followed by a dharna. The other demands include return to Ballot Paper voting, accurate and transparent electoral rolls, and conducting the electoral processes in consultation with all political parties. MNS President Raj Thackeray was scheduled to join the signature campaign later this evening even as the process continued in full swing in different parts of Mumbai and the state. However, party officials claimed that there was a huge and spontaneous response to the drive, but could not provide the details of the signatures collected today. In Navi Mumbai, too A similar campaign was organized near Vashi railway station led by MNS Navi Mumbai President Gajanan Kale, Sachin Kadam and others in which large crowds of men, women and youth were seen signing the demand petitions. As political activists clamoured against Gyanesh Kumar, some wearing T-shirts with slogans demanding his resignation, Kale said the campaign would be extended to other towns in Navi Mumbai. SS (UBT) leader Ambadas Danve led a protest in Chhatrapati Sambhajinagar, besides reports of agitations coming in different parts of the state. Cockroach Janta Party (CJP) Founder Abhijeet Dipke – who returned to his hometown and left to pay homage to his deceased grandmother in Hingoli - today fired a fresh salve, accusing the Centre of “waging a war against citizens to protect CEC Gyanesh Kumar.” Today’s signature drive followed a weekend of angry protests against Gyanesh Kumar and the detention of demonstrators in Mumbai, including social activists Tushar Gandhi, his daughter Kasturi, Guddi S.L. Feroze Mithiborwala, actor Imran Khan and over 600 other youth. In tune with Delhi agitation It also coincided with INDIA block agitation in New Delhi led by Congress Leader of Opposition Rahul Gandhi, Priyanka Gandhi and other top Opposition leaders seeking a meeting with the Chief Justice of India. After the request was rejected the Opposition marched to the apex court to file a petition on the same issue this evening. Terming it as “the second battle for Independence”, Congress state President Harshwardhan Sapkal along with all party MPs and MLAs from the state, plus office-bearers, totalling to over 1,000, went to New Delhi to join the INDIA bloc’s ‘Save Democracy’ agitation. “The dictatorial BJP has resolved to crush this democratic struggle. New Delhi has turned into a military cantonment. Over 30,000 police and security personnel have been deployed, 250 trains have been halted or cancelled, and metro services have also been suspended. All this is to suppress the mass movement and conceal the ‘vote-theft’. But until all those responsible for the electoral malpractices are booked, Gyanesh Kumar is removed and arrested, we will not rest,” thundered Sapkal. State leaders joining the INDIA bloc march included AICC Maharashtra In-Charge Dr. Sirivella Prasad, Goa In-Charge Manikrao Thakre, CWC Member M. Arif Naseem Khan, Congress Legislature Party leader Vijay Wadettiwar, Balasaheb Thorat, Nitin Raut, Amit Deshmukh, Vishwajeet Kadam, ex-MP Hussain Dalwai, B. M. Sandeep, Rehana Chishti, Bhai Jagtap, Mohan Joshi, Atul Londhe and others.

Lingua Pragmatica

Mar 19, 2025
3 min read

Updated: Mar 20, 2025

As Southern leaders like M.K. Stalin rage against Hindi, Andhra Pradesh’s Chief Minister Chandrababu Naidu offers a model of pragmatism over parochialism.

Chandrababu Naidu
Andhra Pradesh

Amid the cacophony of opposition in southern states to Hindi, Andhra Pradesh CM N. Chandrababu Naidu has taken a markedly pragmatic stance by remarking recently in the state Assembly that there was no harm in learning other languages. Hindi, Naidu noted, was useful for communication across India, particularly in political and commercial hubs like Delhi. His remarks, though avoiding explicit mention of the NEP, were widely seen as an endorsement of multilingualism and a rebuke to the linguistic chauvinism that has gripped parts of the South.


Few issues in India stir political passions quite like language. It is not merely a means of communication but a marker of identity, a relic of colonial resistance, and a source of political mobilization. In the southern states, where anti-Hindi sentiment has long been entrenched, the National Education Policy (NEP) 2020 and its three-language formula have reignited old tensions. No state embodies this defiance more than Tamil Nadu, where the ruling Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK) led by M.K. Stalin has framed the policy as an assault on its linguistic autonomy.


Naidu’s words, welcomed by his ally and Deputy Chief Minister Pawan Kalyan, mark a sharp contrast with the DMK’s position. Tamil Nadu’s hostility towards Hindi dates back to the 1930s, when C. Rajagopalachari’s attempt to introduce it in schools met with fierce resistance. The anti-Hindi agitations of the 1960s cemented the DMK’s ideological stance, with its first Chief Minister, C.N. Annadurai, famously warning that Hindi imposition could push Tamil Nadu towards secession.


The question, however, is whether this rigid opposition serves Tamil Nadu’s interests. While Stalin, with an eye to the upcoming Tamil Nadu Assembly polls, has been relentlessly portraying Hindi as a threat to his state’s regional identity, Naidu, a partner of the BJP-led Centre, is framing it as a tool for economic mobility. His argument is not that Hindi should replace Telugu or English but that it offers a competitive advantage.


The economic case for multilingualism is compelling. Indians who speak multiple languages tend to have better job prospects, higher earnings and greater geographic mobility. Andhra Pradesh’s Telugu-speaking diaspora is a case in point. Telugus make up a significant proportion of Indian-origin professionals in the United States, the Gulf, and Southeast Asia as Naidu pointed out, hinting that this success story was built not on linguistic rigidity but on adaptability.


In a country where inter-state migration is rising and where Hindi remains the most widely spoken language, refusing to learn it amounts to self-imposed isolation. Tamil Nadu’s approach, by contrast, risks limiting its youth. The DMK government has refused to implement the three-language policy, keeping schools strictly bilingual with Tamil and English. Its justification that Hindi is not necessary for global success could be true in a narrow sense but ignores the domestic context. If Tamil filmmakers can dub their movies into Hindi to expand their audience, why should Tamil students be denied access to the language that could open more doors for them within India?


The DMK has accused successive central governments, particularly under the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), of pushing Hindi at the expense of regional languages. Yet, rejecting Hindi outright is an overcorrection. The reality is that Hindi is an important language in India’s economic and political landscape. Naidu’s position, one of accommodation rather than confrontation, offers a middle ground that other Southern leaders would do well to consider.


Some states already recognize this. Karnataka, despite its own history of linguistic pride, has allowed Hindi to be taught as an optional language. Kerala, whose migrants work in Hindi-speaking regions and the Gulf, has been less hostile to Hindi education. Naidu’s model, balancing regional identity with practical necessity, offers a way forward. Languages should be embraced, not politicized. Southern leaders would do well to listen to him.

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