top of page

By:

Rajendra Joshi

3 December 2024 at 9:20:26 am

The ‘sweet’ scam behind the sugar price surge

AI generated image Kolhapur: A sugar shortage can push up prices. But what happens when prices rise sharply despite the country having enough sugar in its warehouses? That is the uncomfortable question emerging from the sugar market’s July-August price surge. There was no evidence of an outright shortage when the new sugar season approached. Government estimates indicated that the country would have around 43 lakh metric tonnes of carry-forward stock. The Centre, relying on this broad...

The ‘sweet’ scam behind the sugar price surge

AI generated image Kolhapur: A sugar shortage can push up prices. But what happens when prices rise sharply despite the country having enough sugar in its warehouses? That is the uncomfortable question emerging from the sugar market’s July-August price surge. There was no evidence of an outright shortage when the new sugar season approached. Government estimates indicated that the country would have around 43 lakh metric tonnes of carry-forward stock. The Centre, relying on this broad availability, permitted exports of 20 lakh tonnes. And yet, the market behaved as though sugar had suddenly become scarce. At the beginning of July, tender prices were around Rs 3,800 a quintal. By the latter half of the month, prices began climbing rapidly. In the retail market, sugar prices that were around Rs 45 a kg reportedly touched Rs 78. The government responded with stock limits and permission for duty-free imports of 10 lakh tonnes. But these interventions address the symptoms. They do not answer the more fundamental question: what caused the price spike in the first place? The first clue could lie in the lifting quota. The quantity of sugar released into the market in July was lower than expected. By itself, a lower monthly quota need not create a crisis when overall stocks are comfortable. But markets are driven not only by physical availability; they are also driven by expectations. A smaller release can create the perception of scarcity. Once that perception takes hold, stock-holding can become more profitable. The initial spark need not be large if the market has enough speculative fuel. This is why the July episode deserves a forensic examination. The timing is particularly significant. July marked the transition from Ashadh to Shravan, when the festive calendar begins and sugar consumption traditionally strengthens. At such a time, the normal expectation would be that adequate stocks are released into the market to prevent abnormal price escalation. Instead, prices moved sharply upwards. Was this coincidence, a genuine mismatch between demand and supply, or something more? The GST system offers an unusually powerful investigative tool. Every registered transaction leaves a digital footprint. A sugar mill selling to a registered trader generates an invoice recording the quantity, value, date and buyer. The trader’s subsequent sale generates another transaction. GST returns and e-invoices can therefore help create a chain showing who purchased sugar, at what price, when it was invoiced and when it was subsequently sold. This information can be matched with physical stock registers, dispatch records and warehouse inventories. The key question should be simple: Did the sugar that was shown as sold actually enter the market? Suppose a trader purchased substantial quantities in July when prices were relatively low, but the commodity remained physically stored at or near the mill. If the stock was released only after prices rose substantially in August, investigators would have a legitimate reason to examine the transaction more closely. That alone would not prove hoarding or cartelisation. A commercial decision to hold inventory is not illegal merely because prices subsequently rise. Large purchases before a price surge. Delayed physical movement. Repeated transactions among related entities. Unusually high margins. Sudden releases when prices peak. These are precisely the patterns that a data-led investigation can identify.

Lingua Pragmatica

Updated: Mar 20, 2025

As Southern leaders like M.K. Stalin rage against Hindi, Andhra Pradesh’s Chief Minister Chandrababu Naidu offers a model of pragmatism over parochialism.

Chandrababu Naidu
Andhra Pradesh

Amid the cacophony of opposition in southern states to Hindi, Andhra Pradesh CM N. Chandrababu Naidu has taken a markedly pragmatic stance by remarking recently in the state Assembly that there was no harm in learning other languages. Hindi, Naidu noted, was useful for communication across India, particularly in political and commercial hubs like Delhi. His remarks, though avoiding explicit mention of the NEP, were widely seen as an endorsement of multilingualism and a rebuke to the linguistic chauvinism that has gripped parts of the South.


Few issues in India stir political passions quite like language. It is not merely a means of communication but a marker of identity, a relic of colonial resistance, and a source of political mobilization. In the southern states, where anti-Hindi sentiment has long been entrenched, the National Education Policy (NEP) 2020 and its three-language formula have reignited old tensions. No state embodies this defiance more than Tamil Nadu, where the ruling Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK) led by M.K. Stalin has framed the policy as an assault on its linguistic autonomy.


Naidu’s words, welcomed by his ally and Deputy Chief Minister Pawan Kalyan, mark a sharp contrast with the DMK’s position. Tamil Nadu’s hostility towards Hindi dates back to the 1930s, when C. Rajagopalachari’s attempt to introduce it in schools met with fierce resistance. The anti-Hindi agitations of the 1960s cemented the DMK’s ideological stance, with its first Chief Minister, C.N. Annadurai, famously warning that Hindi imposition could push Tamil Nadu towards secession.


The question, however, is whether this rigid opposition serves Tamil Nadu’s interests. While Stalin, with an eye to the upcoming Tamil Nadu Assembly polls, has been relentlessly portraying Hindi as a threat to his state’s regional identity, Naidu, a partner of the BJP-led Centre, is framing it as a tool for economic mobility. His argument is not that Hindi should replace Telugu or English but that it offers a competitive advantage.


The economic case for multilingualism is compelling. Indians who speak multiple languages tend to have better job prospects, higher earnings and greater geographic mobility. Andhra Pradesh’s Telugu-speaking diaspora is a case in point. Telugus make up a significant proportion of Indian-origin professionals in the United States, the Gulf, and Southeast Asia as Naidu pointed out, hinting that this success story was built not on linguistic rigidity but on adaptability.


In a country where inter-state migration is rising and where Hindi remains the most widely spoken language, refusing to learn it amounts to self-imposed isolation. Tamil Nadu’s approach, by contrast, risks limiting its youth. The DMK government has refused to implement the three-language policy, keeping schools strictly bilingual with Tamil and English. Its justification that Hindi is not necessary for global success could be true in a narrow sense but ignores the domestic context. If Tamil filmmakers can dub their movies into Hindi to expand their audience, why should Tamil students be denied access to the language that could open more doors for them within India?


The DMK has accused successive central governments, particularly under the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), of pushing Hindi at the expense of regional languages. Yet, rejecting Hindi outright is an overcorrection. The reality is that Hindi is an important language in India’s economic and political landscape. Naidu’s position, one of accommodation rather than confrontation, offers a middle ground that other Southern leaders would do well to consider.


Some states already recognize this. Karnataka, despite its own history of linguistic pride, has allowed Hindi to be taught as an optional language. Kerala, whose migrants work in Hindi-speaking regions and the Gulf, has been less hostile to Hindi education. Naidu’s model, balancing regional identity with practical necessity, offers a way forward. Languages should be embraced, not politicized. Southern leaders would do well to listen to him.

Comments

bottom of page