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By:

Bhalchandra Chorghade

11 August 2025 at 1:54:18 pm

No hike in ready reckoner rates

Real estate sector welcomes move Mumbai: The Maharashtra government has kept the Annual Statement of Rates (ASR), or ready reckoner rates, unchanged for the financial year 2026–27, signalling a calibrated approach aimed at maintaining stability in the real estate sector amid evolving economic conditions. The decision was announced by the Office of the Inspector General of Registration and Controller of Stamps, Pune. Under the Maharashtra Stamp (Determination of True Market Value of Property)...

No hike in ready reckoner rates

Real estate sector welcomes move Mumbai: The Maharashtra government has kept the Annual Statement of Rates (ASR), or ready reckoner rates, unchanged for the financial year 2026–27, signalling a calibrated approach aimed at maintaining stability in the real estate sector amid evolving economic conditions. The decision was announced by the Office of the Inspector General of Registration and Controller of Stamps, Pune. Under the Maharashtra Stamp (Determination of True Market Value of Property) Rules, 1995, ASR rates are revised annually and come into effect from April 1. These rates serve as the benchmark for property valuation for stamp duty and registration. Over the years, the state has followed a cautious revision strategy. After a 5.86 per cent increase in 2017–18, rates were kept unchanged in 2018–19 and 2019–20 due to a sectoral slowdown. During the pandemic-hit 2020–21, the revision was delayed until September and limited to 1.74 per cent. For 2026–27, however, the government has opted for a complete status quo, with no increase across the state. The move follows representations from industry bodies, including CREDAI, citing global economic uncertainty and a moderation in real estate activity. Long Process The ASR determination process involves multi-level consultations. District-level meetings are held with developers, document writers and other stakeholders, while public representatives’ inputs are incorporated through discussions chaired by district collectors. Objections and suggestions received during this process are evaluated before finalisation. Even as base rates remain unchanged, the government has introduced technical and administrative refinements to better reflect on-ground realities. In urban areas, changes in Development Plans (DPs) have been factored in. Adjustments have also been made in line with regional and local planning schemes, including revisions to valuation zones and sub-zones. Updates such as correction of village names, inclusion of new hamlets, and changes in survey and group numbers have been carried out. Micro-level adjustments through sub-classification have also been introduced. Strong Growth Meanwhile, Maharashtra has recorded strong growth in property registrations and stamp duty collections over the past three financial years. The number of registered documents rose from 27.9 lakh in 2023–24 to 43.12 lakh in 2024–25, and further to 45.60 lakh in 2025–26. Revenue collections under the 0030 head (stamp duty and registration fees) increased from Rs 50,042.80 crore in 2023–24 to Rs 58,266.07 crore in 2024–25, and further to Rs 60,568.94 crore in 2025–26. Monthly trends remained robust, with March 2026 recording the highest collection at Rs 6,641.61 crore, while December also posted strong inflows at Rs 5,595.35 crore. President of CREDAI-MCHI Sukhraj Nahar said, “The State Government has taken a significant and timely decision to maintain status quo on Ready Reckoner Rates for FY 2026–27, effective from 1st April. This important relief to the real estate sector comes in the backdrop of persistent global economic uncertainties and rising construction costs. The decision reflects the Government’s sensitivity to industry concerns and its commitment to sustaining growth and housing supply.” “We would like to share that CREDAI-MCHI had made strong representations to the Government, highlighting the adverse impact of any increase in Ready Reckoner Rates under the current circumstances. We are glad that our suggestions have been duly considered.” “This decision will go a long way in maintaining project viability, supporting housing demand and ensuring continued momentum in development activity,” he added.

Lingua Pragmatica

Updated: Mar 20, 2025

As Southern leaders like M.K. Stalin rage against Hindi, Andhra Pradesh’s Chief Minister Chandrababu Naidu offers a model of pragmatism over parochialism.

Chandrababu Naidu
Andhra Pradesh

Amid the cacophony of opposition in southern states to Hindi, Andhra Pradesh CM N. Chandrababu Naidu has taken a markedly pragmatic stance by remarking recently in the state Assembly that there was no harm in learning other languages. Hindi, Naidu noted, was useful for communication across India, particularly in political and commercial hubs like Delhi. His remarks, though avoiding explicit mention of the NEP, were widely seen as an endorsement of multilingualism and a rebuke to the linguistic chauvinism that has gripped parts of the South.


Few issues in India stir political passions quite like language. It is not merely a means of communication but a marker of identity, a relic of colonial resistance, and a source of political mobilization. In the southern states, where anti-Hindi sentiment has long been entrenched, the National Education Policy (NEP) 2020 and its three-language formula have reignited old tensions. No state embodies this defiance more than Tamil Nadu, where the ruling Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK) led by M.K. Stalin has framed the policy as an assault on its linguistic autonomy.


Naidu’s words, welcomed by his ally and Deputy Chief Minister Pawan Kalyan, mark a sharp contrast with the DMK’s position. Tamil Nadu’s hostility towards Hindi dates back to the 1930s, when C. Rajagopalachari’s attempt to introduce it in schools met with fierce resistance. The anti-Hindi agitations of the 1960s cemented the DMK’s ideological stance, with its first Chief Minister, C.N. Annadurai, famously warning that Hindi imposition could push Tamil Nadu towards secession.


The question, however, is whether this rigid opposition serves Tamil Nadu’s interests. While Stalin, with an eye to the upcoming Tamil Nadu Assembly polls, has been relentlessly portraying Hindi as a threat to his state’s regional identity, Naidu, a partner of the BJP-led Centre, is framing it as a tool for economic mobility. His argument is not that Hindi should replace Telugu or English but that it offers a competitive advantage.


The economic case for multilingualism is compelling. Indians who speak multiple languages tend to have better job prospects, higher earnings and greater geographic mobility. Andhra Pradesh’s Telugu-speaking diaspora is a case in point. Telugus make up a significant proportion of Indian-origin professionals in the United States, the Gulf, and Southeast Asia as Naidu pointed out, hinting that this success story was built not on linguistic rigidity but on adaptability.


In a country where inter-state migration is rising and where Hindi remains the most widely spoken language, refusing to learn it amounts to self-imposed isolation. Tamil Nadu’s approach, by contrast, risks limiting its youth. The DMK government has refused to implement the three-language policy, keeping schools strictly bilingual with Tamil and English. Its justification that Hindi is not necessary for global success could be true in a narrow sense but ignores the domestic context. If Tamil filmmakers can dub their movies into Hindi to expand their audience, why should Tamil students be denied access to the language that could open more doors for them within India?


The DMK has accused successive central governments, particularly under the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), of pushing Hindi at the expense of regional languages. Yet, rejecting Hindi outright is an overcorrection. The reality is that Hindi is an important language in India’s economic and political landscape. Naidu’s position, one of accommodation rather than confrontation, offers a middle ground that other Southern leaders would do well to consider.


Some states already recognize this. Karnataka, despite its own history of linguistic pride, has allowed Hindi to be taught as an optional language. Kerala, whose migrants work in Hindi-speaking regions and the Gulf, has been less hostile to Hindi education. Naidu’s model, balancing regional identity with practical necessity, offers a way forward. Languages should be embraced, not politicized. Southern leaders would do well to listen to him.

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