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By:

Naresh Kamath

5 November 2024 at 5:30:38 am

Four ex-Mumbai mayors in fray

Mumbai: The upcoming BrihanMumbai Municipal Corporation (BMC) elections are all set to witness interesting contests as four formers Mayors of Mumbai are locked up in interesting fights which promises to be the toughest one in their political career. All four are veterans in the BMC…Shraddha Jadhav, Kishori Pednekar, Vishakha Raut and Milind Vaidya who have stood out among their peers for decades and headed various civic committees apart from being the First Citizen of this metropolis. They...

Four ex-Mumbai mayors in fray

Mumbai: The upcoming BrihanMumbai Municipal Corporation (BMC) elections are all set to witness interesting contests as four formers Mayors of Mumbai are locked up in interesting fights which promises to be the toughest one in their political career. All four are veterans in the BMC…Shraddha Jadhav, Kishori Pednekar, Vishakha Raut and Milind Vaidya who have stood out among their peers for decades and headed various civic committees apart from being the First Citizen of this metropolis. They all are contesting from Shiv Sena (UBT) party headed by Uddhav Thackeray. Take the case of Shraddha Jadhav, who has been a corporator from 1992 onwards and is contesting for her 7th term. Standing from ward number 202 in Parel, Shraddha is being challenged by Shiv Sena (UBT) activist Vijay Indulkar who is standing as a rebel. After Shraddha’s candidature was announced last week, 128 local Sena office bearers resigned in protest, which was shocking considering that this area is considered as a Sena citadel right from 1970’s. The BJP side is represented by Parth Bavkar, who is a close confidant of popular Wadala legislator Kalidas Kolambkar and there is fear that Parth may sail through if votes are split between Shraddha and Indulkar. Indulkar accuses Shraddha of neglecting this area. “She has undertaken no developmental work in this constituency and the people are against her,” said Indulkar. Shraddha however dismisses Indulkar’s claim as baseless. “This is plain jealously and an attempt to defame our family. If I don’t work how did I get elected from the last 6 terms? I am confident of winning for the 7th term,” countered Shraddha. She was the Mayor of Mumbai from 2009 to 2012. The second high profile battle is ward number 191 which encompass areas like Siddhivinayak Mandir and Shivaji Park. Here veteran corporator Vishakha Raut who has also served as Dadar legislator is pitted against Priya Sarvankar, daughter of former legislator Sada Sarvankar. Vishakha who served as Mumbai’s Mayor during 1997-1998 is representing Shiv Sena (UBT) while her rival Priya is contesting from Shiv Sena (Shinde) faction. Priya calls Vishakha a failure. “She has been an inaccessible corporator and citizens were left to fend for themselves from the last eight years. People want a young face to represent them,” said Priya. Vishakha Raut laughs down Priya’s claim saying Shiv Sena has a legacy of doing people centric activities from this belt. “We have served the Dadar citizens for decades and this relationship is familial. What are Priya’s achievements except praising her father’s work who was incidentally with our party only,” said Vishakha. In her neighbourhood, Kishori Pednekar who the mayor from 2019 to 2022 is fighting from ward number 199 at Worli area. The local Maharashtra Navnirman Sena (MNS) activists are angry with her for bad mouthing their leader Raj Thackeray during her tenure as Mayor. In addition, a section of her own party are also up in arms against her. However Pednekar downplays the incident. “If I have said anything wrong about Rajsahjeb, I apologise for the same. Currently both Raj and Uddhav are our leaders and we are fighting the elections under their leadership,” said Pednekar. She had enlisted the help of senior MNS leader Bala Nandgaonkar to convince the local MNS cadre to work for her. The fourth incumbent Milind Vaidya who served as Mumbai Mayor during 1996-1997 had to shift his ward and is contesting from ward number 182 at Mahim from number 183. He is being challenged by BJP candidate Rajan Parkar, who is popular figure from this constituency.

Lingua Pragmatica

Updated: Mar 20, 2025

As Southern leaders like M.K. Stalin rage against Hindi, Andhra Pradesh’s Chief Minister Chandrababu Naidu offers a model of pragmatism over parochialism.

Chandrababu Naidu
Andhra Pradesh

Amid the cacophony of opposition in southern states to Hindi, Andhra Pradesh CM N. Chandrababu Naidu has taken a markedly pragmatic stance by remarking recently in the state Assembly that there was no harm in learning other languages. Hindi, Naidu noted, was useful for communication across India, particularly in political and commercial hubs like Delhi. His remarks, though avoiding explicit mention of the NEP, were widely seen as an endorsement of multilingualism and a rebuke to the linguistic chauvinism that has gripped parts of the South.


Few issues in India stir political passions quite like language. It is not merely a means of communication but a marker of identity, a relic of colonial resistance, and a source of political mobilization. In the southern states, where anti-Hindi sentiment has long been entrenched, the National Education Policy (NEP) 2020 and its three-language formula have reignited old tensions. No state embodies this defiance more than Tamil Nadu, where the ruling Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK) led by M.K. Stalin has framed the policy as an assault on its linguistic autonomy.


Naidu’s words, welcomed by his ally and Deputy Chief Minister Pawan Kalyan, mark a sharp contrast with the DMK’s position. Tamil Nadu’s hostility towards Hindi dates back to the 1930s, when C. Rajagopalachari’s attempt to introduce it in schools met with fierce resistance. The anti-Hindi agitations of the 1960s cemented the DMK’s ideological stance, with its first Chief Minister, C.N. Annadurai, famously warning that Hindi imposition could push Tamil Nadu towards secession.


The question, however, is whether this rigid opposition serves Tamil Nadu’s interests. While Stalin, with an eye to the upcoming Tamil Nadu Assembly polls, has been relentlessly portraying Hindi as a threat to his state’s regional identity, Naidu, a partner of the BJP-led Centre, is framing it as a tool for economic mobility. His argument is not that Hindi should replace Telugu or English but that it offers a competitive advantage.


The economic case for multilingualism is compelling. Indians who speak multiple languages tend to have better job prospects, higher earnings and greater geographic mobility. Andhra Pradesh’s Telugu-speaking diaspora is a case in point. Telugus make up a significant proportion of Indian-origin professionals in the United States, the Gulf, and Southeast Asia as Naidu pointed out, hinting that this success story was built not on linguistic rigidity but on adaptability.


In a country where inter-state migration is rising and where Hindi remains the most widely spoken language, refusing to learn it amounts to self-imposed isolation. Tamil Nadu’s approach, by contrast, risks limiting its youth. The DMK government has refused to implement the three-language policy, keeping schools strictly bilingual with Tamil and English. Its justification that Hindi is not necessary for global success could be true in a narrow sense but ignores the domestic context. If Tamil filmmakers can dub their movies into Hindi to expand their audience, why should Tamil students be denied access to the language that could open more doors for them within India?


The DMK has accused successive central governments, particularly under the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), of pushing Hindi at the expense of regional languages. Yet, rejecting Hindi outright is an overcorrection. The reality is that Hindi is an important language in India’s economic and political landscape. Naidu’s position, one of accommodation rather than confrontation, offers a middle ground that other Southern leaders would do well to consider.


Some states already recognize this. Karnataka, despite its own history of linguistic pride, has allowed Hindi to be taught as an optional language. Kerala, whose migrants work in Hindi-speaking regions and the Gulf, has been less hostile to Hindi education. Naidu’s model, balancing regional identity with practical necessity, offers a way forward. Languages should be embraced, not politicized. Southern leaders would do well to listen to him.

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