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By:

Bhalchandra Chorghade

11 August 2025 at 1:54:18 pm

Robust infra, surging demand, key reasons for boom

MMR A Data Centre Hub, Part – I Mumbai: The Mumbai Metropolitan Region (MMR) is rapidly emerging as the epicentre of India’s data centre revolution, with a combination of strategic location advantages, robust infrastructure and surging demand from artificial intelligence (AI) and cloud computing driving unprecedented investment into the region. As India’s data centre industry gears up to cross 3 gigawatts (GW) of operational capacity by 2028, according to CBRE’s 2026 Asia Pacific Data Centre...

Robust infra, surging demand, key reasons for boom

MMR A Data Centre Hub, Part – I Mumbai: The Mumbai Metropolitan Region (MMR) is rapidly emerging as the epicentre of India’s data centre revolution, with a combination of strategic location advantages, robust infrastructure and surging demand from artificial intelligence (AI) and cloud computing driving unprecedented investment into the region. As India’s data centre industry gears up to cross 3 gigawatts (GW) of operational capacity by 2028, according to CBRE’s 2026 Asia Pacific Data Centre Trends & Outlook report, MMR is expected to remain at the heart of this growth story. The region already accounts for the largest share of India’s operational data centre capacity and continues to attract a substantial portion of upcoming investments. Mumbai currently hosts more than 800 MW of operational data centre capacity, making it the country’s undisputed leader in digital infrastructure. Equally significant is the future pipeline, with another 750 MW under construction or in committed stages. Industry experts believe this momentum could transform the region into one of Asia’s most important digital infrastructure hubs over the next decade. The broader national backdrop supports this optimism. India’s total data centre stock stood at nearly 1,700 MW at the end of 2025, with CBRE estimating that an additional 500 MW of fresh supply will be added in 2026 alone. Driven by hyperscalers, cloud providers, global capability centres (GCCs) and AI-focused enterprises, the country has now been elevated from the “High Growth” category to the “Leading Markets” group in CBRE’s Asia-Pacific data centre rankings. “The combination of a low-bottleneck development environment, a rapidly expanding digital economy and aggressive hyperscaler commitments positions India as one of the most compelling DC markets globally,” said Anshuman Magazine, Chairman & CEO – India, South-East Asia, Middle East & Africa, CBRE. “As AI workloads multiply and the demand base broadens beyond cloud to Neocloud, GCCs and enterprise users, we expect the country’s capacity trajectory to remain steep well beyond 2028,” he added. Unique Advantage Within India, however, MMR enjoys a unique competitive advantage. The region combines access to international submarine cable landing stations, extensive fibre connectivity, proximity to the country’s largest financial ecosystem and a deep enterprise customer base. These factors have made it the preferred destination for hyperscale operators seeking scalable, low-latency infrastructure. According to Kamlesh Thakur, President, NAREDCO Maharashtra, MMR possesses a rare combination of factors that continue to attract large-scale investments. “Mumbai Metropolitan Region (MMR) possesses a unique combination of advantages that make it India's most preferred data centre destination. The region is home to the country's largest financial ecosystem, has access to international submarine cable landing stations, a strong fibre network, a large enterprise customer base and proximity to major cloud and digital service providers,” he said. Thakur added that proactive government policies, dedicated incentives, reliable power infrastructure and rising AI and cloud demand are further accelerating investments into the region. “MMR is increasingly emerging not just as India's financial capital but also as its digital infrastructure capital,” he noted. The growth is particularly concentrated along the Navi Mumbai–Thane corridor, which has evolved into the country's most active data centre cluster. Locations such as Navi Mumbai, Thane, Airoli, Ghansoli, Rabale, Mahape and Taloja are witnessing strong traction due to the availability of large land parcels, power infrastructure and high-capacity fibre networks.

Lingua Pragmatica

Updated: Mar 20, 2025

As Southern leaders like M.K. Stalin rage against Hindi, Andhra Pradesh’s Chief Minister Chandrababu Naidu offers a model of pragmatism over parochialism.

Chandrababu Naidu
Andhra Pradesh

Amid the cacophony of opposition in southern states to Hindi, Andhra Pradesh CM N. Chandrababu Naidu has taken a markedly pragmatic stance by remarking recently in the state Assembly that there was no harm in learning other languages. Hindi, Naidu noted, was useful for communication across India, particularly in political and commercial hubs like Delhi. His remarks, though avoiding explicit mention of the NEP, were widely seen as an endorsement of multilingualism and a rebuke to the linguistic chauvinism that has gripped parts of the South.


Few issues in India stir political passions quite like language. It is not merely a means of communication but a marker of identity, a relic of colonial resistance, and a source of political mobilization. In the southern states, where anti-Hindi sentiment has long been entrenched, the National Education Policy (NEP) 2020 and its three-language formula have reignited old tensions. No state embodies this defiance more than Tamil Nadu, where the ruling Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK) led by M.K. Stalin has framed the policy as an assault on its linguistic autonomy.


Naidu’s words, welcomed by his ally and Deputy Chief Minister Pawan Kalyan, mark a sharp contrast with the DMK’s position. Tamil Nadu’s hostility towards Hindi dates back to the 1930s, when C. Rajagopalachari’s attempt to introduce it in schools met with fierce resistance. The anti-Hindi agitations of the 1960s cemented the DMK’s ideological stance, with its first Chief Minister, C.N. Annadurai, famously warning that Hindi imposition could push Tamil Nadu towards secession.


The question, however, is whether this rigid opposition serves Tamil Nadu’s interests. While Stalin, with an eye to the upcoming Tamil Nadu Assembly polls, has been relentlessly portraying Hindi as a threat to his state’s regional identity, Naidu, a partner of the BJP-led Centre, is framing it as a tool for economic mobility. His argument is not that Hindi should replace Telugu or English but that it offers a competitive advantage.


The economic case for multilingualism is compelling. Indians who speak multiple languages tend to have better job prospects, higher earnings and greater geographic mobility. Andhra Pradesh’s Telugu-speaking diaspora is a case in point. Telugus make up a significant proportion of Indian-origin professionals in the United States, the Gulf, and Southeast Asia as Naidu pointed out, hinting that this success story was built not on linguistic rigidity but on adaptability.


In a country where inter-state migration is rising and where Hindi remains the most widely spoken language, refusing to learn it amounts to self-imposed isolation. Tamil Nadu’s approach, by contrast, risks limiting its youth. The DMK government has refused to implement the three-language policy, keeping schools strictly bilingual with Tamil and English. Its justification that Hindi is not necessary for global success could be true in a narrow sense but ignores the domestic context. If Tamil filmmakers can dub their movies into Hindi to expand their audience, why should Tamil students be denied access to the language that could open more doors for them within India?


The DMK has accused successive central governments, particularly under the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), of pushing Hindi at the expense of regional languages. Yet, rejecting Hindi outright is an overcorrection. The reality is that Hindi is an important language in India’s economic and political landscape. Naidu’s position, one of accommodation rather than confrontation, offers a middle ground that other Southern leaders would do well to consider.


Some states already recognize this. Karnataka, despite its own history of linguistic pride, has allowed Hindi to be taught as an optional language. Kerala, whose migrants work in Hindi-speaking regions and the Gulf, has been less hostile to Hindi education. Naidu’s model, balancing regional identity with practical necessity, offers a way forward. Languages should be embraced, not politicized. Southern leaders would do well to listen to him.

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