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By:

Abhijit Mulye

21 August 2024 at 11:29:11 am

Inside the secret power struggle behind Dhankhar’s resignation

Mumbai: The cryptic silence surrounding the abrupt resignation of former Vice President Jagdeep Dhankhar in July was shattered on the floor of the Rajya Sabha this Monday, not by a government clarification, but by the visible anguish of the Opposition. While official records continue to attribute his departure to “health reasons,” highly placed sources in the power corridors of the capital have now confirmed that a fatal misunderstanding of the shifting power dynamics between the Rashtriya...

Inside the secret power struggle behind Dhankhar’s resignation

Mumbai: The cryptic silence surrounding the abrupt resignation of former Vice President Jagdeep Dhankhar in July was shattered on the floor of the Rajya Sabha this Monday, not by a government clarification, but by the visible anguish of the Opposition. While official records continue to attribute his departure to “health reasons,” highly placed sources in the power corridors of the capital have now confirmed that a fatal misunderstanding of the shifting power dynamics between the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) and the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) top brass was the true precipice from which the former Vice President fell. The revelations surfaced as the Winter Session of Parliament commenced on Monday, December 1, 2025. The solemnity of welcoming the new Vice President and Rajya Sabha Chairman, C.P. Radhakrishnan, was punctured by an emotional intervention from Leader of the Opposition Mallikarjun Kharge. The veteran Congress leader, hands shaking and voice trembling, shed tears on the floor of the House—a rare display of vulnerability that underscored the Opposition’s grievance over what they term an “institutional surgical strike.” The Failed Mediation Exclusive details emerging from Delhi’s political circles paint a picture of a constitutional authority who misread the winds of change. Sources reveal that tensions between Dhankhar and the government had been simmering for months, primarily over his handling of key legislative agendas and a perceived “drift” towards accommodating Opposition demands in the Upper House. As the chasm widened, a lifeline was reportedly thrown. A senior leader from a prominent alliance partner within the National Democratic Alliance (NDA) — a figure with decades of parliamentary experience and respect across the aisle — had discreetly offered to mediate. This leader recognized the growing impatience in the BJP high command and sought to bridge the gap before it became unbridgeable. However, Dhankhar declined the immediate urgency of this political mediation. “He was confident in his equations with the ideological parent,” a source familiar with the developments stated. “He is close to some of the RSS top functionaries and relied on them to mediate when his equations with the BJP top brass started going astray.” This reliance on Nagpur to manage New Delhi proved to be a critical miscalculation. Sources indicate that Dhankhar believed his deep ties with the Sangh would act as a buffer, insulating him from the political maneuvering of the ruling party’s executive leadership. He reportedly waited for the “green signal” or intervention from RSS functionaries, delaying the necessary reconciliation with the party leadership. Cost of delay The delay in mending ways was fatal. By the time the former Vice President realized that the RSS would not—or could not—overrule the BJP’s strategic decision to replace him, the die had been cast. The drift had become a gulf. The instruction, when it finally came on that fateful July 21, was absolute - he had to vacate the office immediately. The “untimely sudden resignation” that followed was officially cloaked in medical terminology, but insiders describe a chaotic exit. The former VP, who had recently moved into the lavish new Vice-President’s Enclave, was forced to vacate the premises in haste, leaving behind a tenure marked by both assertive confrontations and, ironically, a final act of silent compliance. Tears in the Upper House The ghost of this departure loomed large over Monday’s proceedings. Welcoming the new Chairman, C.P. Radhakrishnan, Mallikarjun Kharge could not hold back his emotions. Breaking away from the customary pleasantries, Kharge launched into a poignant lament for the predecessor who was denied a farewell. “I am constrained to refer to your predecessor’s completely unexpected and sudden exit from the office of the Rajya Sabha Chairman, which is unprecedented in the annals of parliamentary history,” Kharge said, his voice heavy with emotion. As Treasury benches erupted in protest, shouting slogans to drown out the discomforting truth, Kharge continued, wiping tears from his eyes. “The Chairman, being the custodian of the entire House, belongs as much to the Opposition as to the government. I was disheartened that the House did not get an opportunity to bid him a farewell. Regardless, we wish him, on behalf of the entire Opposition, a very healthy life.” The sight of the Leader of the Opposition shedding tears for a presiding officer with whom he had frequently clashed was a striking paradox. It highlighted the Opposition’s narrative that Dhankhar’s removal was not just a personnel change, but an assertion of executive dominance over the legislature. New chapter with old scars The government, represented by Parliamentary Affairs Minister Kiren Rijiju, sharply countered Kharge’s remarks, accusing the Opposition of shedding “crocodile tears” after having moved impeachment notices against Dhankhar in the past. “You are insulting the Chair by raising this now,” Rijiju argued amidst the din. Yet, outside the House, the whispers persisted. The narrative of a Vice President who waited for a call from Nagpur that came too late has firmly taken root. As C.P. Radhakrishnan takes the Chair, he does so not just as a new presiding officer, but as the successor to a man who learned the hard way that in the current dispensation, political alignment with the executive supersedes even the oldest of ideological ties.

Maharashtra’s Women Policies: Progress Amidst Persistent Challenges

Updated: Oct 21, 2024

Maharashtra’s Women Policies: Progress Amidst Persistent Challenges

Maharashtra has made significant strides in implementing women-centric policies, with a focus on education, health, safety, and economic empowerment. Due credit is given to Sharad Pawar for setting Maharashtra on the path of women’s empowerment. It was under his leadership that the state administration rolled out the first Women Policy in 1994, a landmark initiative that laid the groundwork for similar policies in the future. The state administration has released three more women’s policies since then, with the latest one introduced earlier this year.

Maharashtra’s fourth and latest women’s policy is aimed at advancing gender equality. Included in this policy is a notable new mandate requiring mothers’ names to be prioritised on official documents. The policy focuses on eight key areas: women’s health, education, and skill-building opportunities; combating gender-based violence; economic opportunities; infrastructure; political participation; climate change adaptation; and a specialised sports policy for women.

Apart from this policy, the present government under Eknath Shinde has rolled out several ambitious schemes aimed at promoting gender inclusiveness. The latest of these, the Mukhyamantri Majhi Ladki Bahin Yojana, specifically targets the financial empowerment of women. Under the scheme, women between the ages of 21 and 65 will receive financial assistance amounting to Rs 1500 every month. Single, unmarried women, single mothers, destitute, divorced, and widowed women are expected to be the beneficiaries of the scheme, enabling them to live with dignity and independence.

The present government has also rolled out other major schemes aimed at improving the lives of women in Maharashtra. These include a 50% concession in travel fares for women of all ages on state transport corporation buses. The Mukhyamantri Annapoorna Yojana scheme promises to provide three free cooking gas cylinders to women every year. The Lek Ladki Yojana offers total assistance of Rs1,01,000/- to every girl child born in the state at five different intervals, a scheme aimed not only at financial empowerment but also at ensuring that the girls don’t drop out of school and don’t leave their education halfway.

However, despite these well-intentioned schemes, the state of women in Maharashtra remains a cause for concern. According to the latest National Crime Record Bureau (NCRB) report, the state ranks only next to Uttar Pradesh (UP) in terms of the number of crimes against women. This alarming statistic indicates an increasing perception that the state is becoming increasingly unsafe for women. Several challenges must be tackled and issues addressed to ensure the effective implementation of the schemes and achieve maximum impact.

Maharashtra is also one of the few states in India that have enacted laws to ensure equal representation of women in the elected wing of city governments and as presidents of councils. However, despite this equal representation, women political leaders are often not sufficiently empowered and enabled to carry out their responsibilities effectively. Thus, they cannot respond fully to the needs of local governance. Women in such leadership positions also face discrimination and bias when it comes to decision-making, often because of their lack of experience in local politics, compounded by inadequate technical and administrative knowledge. This leads to decisions being taken by a selected, dominant few. Thus, the intent of the law to empower women in local governance is not fulfilled. This problem is intersectional and often affects women at all levels, both at the decision-making level and those in administrative positions implementing programmes and policies.

At the community level, women’s representation is also visible through self-help groups (SHGs), which are predominantly composed of women from low-income and marginalised communities. Maharashtra is one of the few states that has a strong SHG network. However, when it comes to empowering them with livelihood opportunities, there is inequitable treatment. Women’s SHGs face biases in being awarded formal contracts and other livelihood opportunities, preventing these women from developing their collective agency and fully participating in the economic life of their communities.

At the household level, gender dynamics continue to pose challenges, particularly in decision-making related to access to sanitation. Men often dominate these decisions, with insufficient involvement from women, leading to outcomes that do not adequately address women’s needs. As a result, women and girls are forced to use shared toilet facilities, which is detrimental to their menstrual hygiene management (MHM) needs and poses a risk to their overall health and well-being.

Despite these well-intended policies, the gap between policy formulation and effective implementation remains a major challenge. It is now upon the well-rooted political parties to address the issue of these gaps between policies and implementation, ensuring that the ambitious goals set out in these policies are translated into tangible outcomes. The state would need visionary leadership to see this happen.

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