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By:

Quaid Najmi

4 January 2025 at 3:26:24 pm

Strange bedfellows

BJP hugs Congress, AIMIM; panics after uproar Thane : Eyebrows were singed and blood pressures spiked when the Bharatiya Janata Party suddenly decided to hug its “sworn enemies” in Ambernath (Thane), and in Akot (Akola) – after the December 20 municipal council polls there.   The BJP became snug under its saffron blanket with the Congress and Ajit Pawar’s Nationalist Congress Party – all to politically leave the Mahayuti ally, Shiv Sena led by Deputy Chief Minister Eknath Shinde, out in the...

Strange bedfellows

BJP hugs Congress, AIMIM; panics after uproar Thane : Eyebrows were singed and blood pressures spiked when the Bharatiya Janata Party suddenly decided to hug its “sworn enemies” in Ambernath (Thane), and in Akot (Akola) – after the December 20 municipal council polls there.   The BJP became snug under its saffron blanket with the Congress and Ajit Pawar’s Nationalist Congress Party – all to politically leave the Mahayuti ally, Shiv Sena led by Deputy Chief Minister Eknath Shinde, out in the cold.   Similarly in Akot, the BJP cozied up under the All India Majlis-E-Ittehadul Muslimeen (AIMIM)'s green quilt, without a shred of guilt, to shoo off the Congress-Vanchit Bahujan Aghadi and others from bagging the civic body.   In Ambernath, the Shiv Sena had emerged as the single-largest party with 27 seats in the 60-Ward house, and in Akot, the BJP achieved the same feat with 11 seats in the 35-Ward house.   Predictably, leaders across these parties rushed to douze the hayfires. A shaken Congress state chief Harshwardhan Sapkal suspended local leaders in Ambernath, including the local party chief Pradeep Patil, the executive committee and around a dozen elected municipal councillors.   A dazed AIMIM state chief Imtiaz Jaleel, declared there was “no question of joining hands with the BJP”, and added grimly: “We have sought a report from the local party leaders, and after getting all details, we shall initiate appropriate disciplinary action,” a grim Jaleel said.   Smarting under red-hot chilli criticism flung by Shiv Sena (UBT)’s Sanjay Raut and Aam Aadmi Party’s Preeti Sharma-Menon, Chief Minister Devendra Fadnavis shot out an earful to the local party leaders in Ambernath and Akot.   “We shall not tolerate the alliances with Congress and AIMIM. These partnerships must be broken. If the local (BJP) units have worked out such deals, they are wrong and violate norms. We shall take stringent action against them,” warned Fadnavis. Later, BJP State President Ravindra Chavan slapped a notice on the Akot party units seeking an explanation.   Ideological Somersaults Since 2019, the state has witnessed many such brazen ideological somersaults that have left political parties and voters shocked and awed.   It started when the (undivided) Shiv Sena joined the Congress and (united) NCP to form the Maharashtra Vikas Aghadi (MVA) which ruled the state for two-and-half years.   In the current civic elections season, even the MVA has fractured with Congress going solo or with local allies like Prakash Ambedkar’s Vanchit Bahujan Aghadi, while the Shiv Sena (UBT) and NCP (SP) have embraced the once-untouchable MNS.   Adding to this is the flurry of local leaders-activists hopping parties, leaving voters bemused and bewildered, even as the parties fumbled to save their ideological credibility.   Ambernath: Shoving out the winner Indulging in political creativity, the BJP, Congress and NCP floated the Ambernath City Development Front, uniting the BJP, Congress and NCP, intended to keep the Shiv Sena out of power at all costs.   Ambernath falls in the Kalyan Lok Sabha seat of Dr Shrikant Shinde, son of Deputy CM Eknath Shinde, who is already at loggerheads with BJP state chief Ravindra Chavan, hailing from Dombivali town, also in Thane district. BJP-Shiv Sena fought against each other in the civic polls last month.   In the 59-member Ambernath Municipal Council, the Shiv Sena won 23 seats, BJP 16, Congress 12 and NCP four. BJP’s Tejashree Karanjule was elected president through direct polls. Post-alliance, the BJP-Congress-NCP touched 32 seats, edging out the Shiv Sena which in its undivided form had ruled here for almost 35 years.     Akot: Bulldozing to grab power The BJP, AIMIM formed the Akot Vikas Manch, which included Shiv Sena, Shiv Sena (UBT), NCP and NCP (SP) and Prahar Janshakti Party to wrest the 35-member house from potential claimants.   The BJP won 11 and AIMIM five, and along with others, the AVM claimed a majority with 25 municipal councillors, and the Congress, VBA floundered with just 8 seats.   The AVM was formally registered with the SEC. In the polls, BJP’s Maya Dhule was elected mayor defeating AIMIM’s Firozabi S. Rana.

Many Chiefs, No Chorus

Tamil Nadu’s opposition must find a common voice if it hopes to dislodge a tired but still-preponderant DMK.

Tamil Nadu
Tamil Nadu

Tamil Nadu’s Opposition has begun campaigning for the crucial Assembly election this year by contradicting itself. When Amit Shah declared recently at a rally in Pudukottai that the National Democratic Alliance (NDA) would form the next government in the State, Edappadi K. Palaniswami (EPS), leader of the AIADMK and the BJP’s principal ally, responded within hours by insisting that his party alone would return to power.


Shah’s assertion was delivered at the conclusion of the BJP’s Tamilagam Thalai Nimira Tamilanin Payanam yatra, a carefully staged effort to signal that the party has finally shaken off its outsider status in the Dravidian heartland. His pitch was expansive as he invoked Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s leadership and promised a “revolutionary journey” for Tamil Nadu, while vowing to uproot M.K. Stalin’s DMK. He argued that a combined BJP-AIADMK vote share in recent elections would have yielded sweeping parliamentary victories.


However, his ally EPS, speaking the same day in Salem, was unimpressed. EPS said that Tamil Nadu did not elect coalitions but governments and that the new government in 2026 would be the AIADMK’s alone. The contretemps has exposed a divided Opposition with barely four months left for the polls.


This lack of coherence automatically gives the advantage to the ruling Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK), which, for all its vulnerabilities, still enjoys a position of preponderance. Five years in office have dulled the DMK’s reformist edge while several promises from employment generation to urban governance remain under-delivered. Yet the DMK continues to benefit from a fractured opposition and from its deep-rooted command over the state’s political narrative.


That narrative, however, is beginning to fray. The DMK has retreated into an increasingly insular interpretation of Dravidianism, treating it less as a broad project of social justice and linguistic pride and more as a closed ideological preserve. What began as a radical movement to dismantle caste hierarchies and entrenched privilege now functions as a gatekeeping creed, invoked to delegitimise critics rather than broaden participation. Power within the party is tightly concentrated, and in the grooming of Udhayanidhi Stalin as future Chief Minister, the DMK has come to resemble the very dynastic politics it once claimed to oppose.


The party’s confrontational posture on religion has further narrowed its appeal. Provocative rhetoric on Sanatana Dharma and repeated administrative curbs on Hindu rituals have energised its loyal base while alienating a wider electorate that distinguishes between rationalism and ritual denigration. The Dravidian movement’s original challenge to orthodoxy was aimed at emancipation from social exclusion; its present incarnation increasingly reads as cultural belligerence.


Against this backdrop, the BJP’s renewed push into Tamil Nadu deserves context. For decades, it has tried and failed to crack the Dravidian fortress. From contesting alone in the 1990s, to aligning with the AIADMK at various points, to mounting cultural and symbolic overtures under Modi, the party has steadily increased its vote share but not its footprint. Its recent emphasis on Tamil language recognition in form of civil-service exams, railway announcements, a Subramania Bharati chair in Varanasi, translations of the Thirukkural is a conscious attempt to blunt the charge of cultural alienness.


But the BJP still lacks the organisational depth and local leadership needed to challenge Dravidian parties on their own turf. That makes alliance politics unavoidable. An NDA that speaks in multiple voices only reinforces the DMK’s claim that it alone offers stability.


If Tamil Nadu’s politics is to be renewed, the DMK’s long-standing dominance needs to be challenged by a credible alternative. And the Opposition must get its own house in order. That means agreeing on leadership and purpose rather than fighting parallel campaigns against each other.


Tamil voters have, in the past, shown a willingness to punish arrogance and reward coherence. Whether they do so again in 2026 will depend on whether the opposition can present itself as a single, serious challenger to the DMK’s insular order that increasingly mistakes longevity for legitimacy.


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