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By:

Abhijit Mulye

21 August 2024 at 11:29:11 am

Politics, pragmatism behind Singhal’s move to Dharavi

Mumbai: The state government’s recent appointment of senior IAS officer Vijay Singhal as the Officer on Special Duty (OSD) for the Dharavi Redevelopment Project is more than a routine bureaucratic shuffle. While it signals a major administrative push to fast-track Asia’s largest slum rehabilitation, murmurs in the corridors of power suggest the move is equally a byproduct of political maneuvering at the highest levels of the state government. For the past few years, the critical Dharavi...

Politics, pragmatism behind Singhal’s move to Dharavi

Mumbai: The state government’s recent appointment of senior IAS officer Vijay Singhal as the Officer on Special Duty (OSD) for the Dharavi Redevelopment Project is more than a routine bureaucratic shuffle. While it signals a major administrative push to fast-track Asia’s largest slum rehabilitation, murmurs in the corridors of power suggest the move is equally a byproduct of political maneuvering at the highest levels of the state government. For the past few years, the critical Dharavi redevelopment project was headed by a promotee IAS officer as an additional charge, leading to a perceived lack of momentum. The post had been visibly vacant since the retirement of SVR Srinivas last year. By bringing in a seasoned, direct-recruit 1997-batch officer like Singhal, the state government is sending a clear-cut message that the Dharavi redevelopment is now a top-tier priority. According to a senior state administration official, bringing in an officer of Singhal’s caliber is a direct indication that the government is finally taking the project seriously. His proven track record of cutting through bureaucratic inertia made him the undisputed first choice to break the logistical paralysis that has historically plagued the slum’s redevelopment. Cross Fire However, Singhal’s sudden exit from his role as Vice Chairman and Managing Director of the City and Industrial Development Corporation (CIDCO) is reportedly tinged with political crossfire between Chief Minister Devendra Fadnavis and Deputy Chief Minister Eknath Shinde. Singhal is known to be closely aligned with Shinde, who also holds the Urban Development (UD) portfolio. Sources indicate that the transfer serves a dual political purpose – while the Deputy CM wanted an efficient officer closely aligned with him to helm a high-stakes, high-visibility initiative like Dharavi; CM Fadnavis had his own designs for CIDCO. He reportedly wanted an officer from his own inner circle stationed at CIDCO to oversee his pet project – the ambitious “Educity” in Navi Mumbai. To facilitate Fadnavis’ wish for a loyalist at CIDCO, Singhal had to be shunted out, effectively serving the interests of both political heavyweights. The irony of the political maneuver is that Singhal laid the very groundwork for the Educity project he is now leaving behind. Spanning 100 hectares (250 acres) in Karanjade near the new Navi Mumbai International Airport, Educity was envisioned to host India’s first integrated cluster of foreign universities. Under Singhal’s leadership, CIDCO bypassed traditional delays, rapidly completing 85% of the required land acquisition and securing Rs 890 crore for site-readiness and access road tenders. Dharavi Challenge Singhal now trades the master-planned expanses of Navi Mumbai for the hyper-dense, socio-politically volatile terrain of Dharavi. His mandate shifts drastically from courting global educational institutions to managing the rehabilitation of hundreds of thousands of residents and preserving an informal economy worth billions. His past experience makes him uniquely equipped for this granular urban challenge. As a former Additional Municipal Commissioner for Solid Waste Management in the BMC, he introduced operational efficiencies that slashed Mumbai’s daily solid waste volume by 2,000 tonnes in under three months. His early-career success in crisis management will be heavily tested as he manages the sanitary and structural complexities of displacing and rehousing a massive population. Ultimately, Singhal’s appointment is a strategic intersection of politics and governance. It resolves a high-level tug-of-war over CIDCO, while placing a proven, aggressive executor at the helm of Maharashtra’s most complex urban challenge.

Many Chiefs, No Chorus

Tamil Nadu’s opposition must find a common voice if it hopes to dislodge a tired but still-preponderant DMK.

Tamil Nadu
Tamil Nadu

Tamil Nadu’s Opposition has begun campaigning for the crucial Assembly election this year by contradicting itself. When Amit Shah declared recently at a rally in Pudukottai that the National Democratic Alliance (NDA) would form the next government in the State, Edappadi K. Palaniswami (EPS), leader of the AIADMK and the BJP’s principal ally, responded within hours by insisting that his party alone would return to power.


Shah’s assertion was delivered at the conclusion of the BJP’s Tamilagam Thalai Nimira Tamilanin Payanam yatra, a carefully staged effort to signal that the party has finally shaken off its outsider status in the Dravidian heartland. His pitch was expansive as he invoked Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s leadership and promised a “revolutionary journey” for Tamil Nadu, while vowing to uproot M.K. Stalin’s DMK. He argued that a combined BJP-AIADMK vote share in recent elections would have yielded sweeping parliamentary victories.


However, his ally EPS, speaking the same day in Salem, was unimpressed. EPS said that Tamil Nadu did not elect coalitions but governments and that the new government in 2026 would be the AIADMK’s alone. The contretemps has exposed a divided Opposition with barely four months left for the polls.


This lack of coherence automatically gives the advantage to the ruling Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK), which, for all its vulnerabilities, still enjoys a position of preponderance. Five years in office have dulled the DMK’s reformist edge while several promises from employment generation to urban governance remain under-delivered. Yet the DMK continues to benefit from a fractured opposition and from its deep-rooted command over the state’s political narrative.


That narrative, however, is beginning to fray. The DMK has retreated into an increasingly insular interpretation of Dravidianism, treating it less as a broad project of social justice and linguistic pride and more as a closed ideological preserve. What began as a radical movement to dismantle caste hierarchies and entrenched privilege now functions as a gatekeeping creed, invoked to delegitimise critics rather than broaden participation. Power within the party is tightly concentrated, and in the grooming of Udhayanidhi Stalin as future Chief Minister, the DMK has come to resemble the very dynastic politics it once claimed to oppose.


The party’s confrontational posture on religion has further narrowed its appeal. Provocative rhetoric on Sanatana Dharma and repeated administrative curbs on Hindu rituals have energised its loyal base while alienating a wider electorate that distinguishes between rationalism and ritual denigration. The Dravidian movement’s original challenge to orthodoxy was aimed at emancipation from social exclusion; its present incarnation increasingly reads as cultural belligerence.


Against this backdrop, the BJP’s renewed push into Tamil Nadu deserves context. For decades, it has tried and failed to crack the Dravidian fortress. From contesting alone in the 1990s, to aligning with the AIADMK at various points, to mounting cultural and symbolic overtures under Modi, the party has steadily increased its vote share but not its footprint. Its recent emphasis on Tamil language recognition in form of civil-service exams, railway announcements, a Subramania Bharati chair in Varanasi, translations of the Thirukkural is a conscious attempt to blunt the charge of cultural alienness.


But the BJP still lacks the organisational depth and local leadership needed to challenge Dravidian parties on their own turf. That makes alliance politics unavoidable. An NDA that speaks in multiple voices only reinforces the DMK’s claim that it alone offers stability.


If Tamil Nadu’s politics is to be renewed, the DMK’s long-standing dominance needs to be challenged by a credible alternative. And the Opposition must get its own house in order. That means agreeing on leadership and purpose rather than fighting parallel campaigns against each other.


Tamil voters have, in the past, shown a willingness to punish arrogance and reward coherence. Whether they do so again in 2026 will depend on whether the opposition can present itself as a single, serious challenger to the DMK’s insular order that increasingly mistakes longevity for legitimacy.


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