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By:

Quaid Najmi

4 January 2025 at 3:26:24 pm

Seventy-six mayors ruled BMC since 1931

After four years, Mumbai to salute its first citizen Kishori Pednekar Vishwanath Mahadeshwar Snehal Ambekar Sunil Prabhu Mumbai: As the date for appointing Mumbai’s First Citizen looms closer, various political parties have adopted tough posturing to foist their own person for the coveted post of Mayor – the ‘face’ of the country’s commercial capital. Ruling Mahayuti allies Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and Shiv Sena have vowed that the city...

Seventy-six mayors ruled BMC since 1931

After four years, Mumbai to salute its first citizen Kishori Pednekar Vishwanath Mahadeshwar Snehal Ambekar Sunil Prabhu Mumbai: As the date for appointing Mumbai’s First Citizen looms closer, various political parties have adopted tough posturing to foist their own person for the coveted post of Mayor – the ‘face’ of the country’s commercial capital. Ruling Mahayuti allies Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and Shiv Sena have vowed that the city will get a ‘Hindu Marathi’ person to head India’s richest civic body, while the Opposition Shiv Sena (UBT)-Maharashtra Navnirman Sena also harbour fond hopes of a miracle that could ensure their own person for the post. The Maharashtra Vikas Aghadi (MVA) optimism stems from expectations of possible political permutations-combinations that could develop with a realignment of forces as the Supreme Court is hearing the cases involving the Shiv Sena-Nationalist Congress Party this week. Catapulted as the largest single party, the BJP hopes to install a first ever party-man as Mayor, but that may not create history. Way back in 1982-1983, a BJP leader Dr. Prabhakar Pai had served in the top post in Mumbai (then Bombay). Incidentally, Dr. Pai hailed from Udupi district of Karnataka, and his appointment came barely a couple of years after the BJP was formed (1980), capping a distinguished career as a city father, said experts. Originally a Congressman, Dr. Pai later shifted to the Bharatiya Janata Party, then back to Congress briefly, founded the Janata Seva Sangh before immersing himself in social activities. Second Administrator The 2026 Mayoral elections have evoked huge interest not only among Mumbaikars but across the country as it comes after nearly four years since the BMC was governed by an Administrator. This was only the second time in the BMC history that an Administrator was named after April 1984-May 1985. On both occasions, there were election-related issues, the first time the elections got delayed for certain reasons and the second time the polling was put off owing to Ward delimitations and OBC quotas as the matter was pending in the courts. From 1931 till 2022, Mumbai has been lorded over by 76 Mayors, men and women, hailing from various regions, backgrounds, castes and communities. They included Hindus, Muslims, Christians, Parsis, Sikhs, even a Jew, etc., truly reflecting the cosmopolitan personality of the coastal city and India’s financial powerhouse. In 1931-1932, the Mayor was a Parsi, J. B. Boman Behram, and others from his community followed like Khurshed Framji Nariman (after whom Nariman Point is named), E. A. Bandukwala, Minoo Masani, B. N. Karanjia and other bigwigs. There were Muslims like Hoosenally Rahimtoola, Sultan M. Chinoy, the legendary Yusuf Meherally, Dr. A. U. Memon and others. The Christian community got a fair share of Mayors with Joseph A. D’Souza – who was Member of Constituent Assembly representing Bombay Province for writing-approving the Constitution of India, M. U. Mascarenhas, P. A. Dias, Simon C. Fernandes, J. Leon D’Souza, et al. A Jew Elijah Moses (1937-1938) and a Sikh M. H. Bedi (1983-1984), served as Mayors, but post-1985, for the past 40 years, nobody from any minority community occupied the august post. During the silver jubilee year of the post, Sulochana M. Modi became the first woman Mayor of Mumbai (1956), and later with tweaks in the rules, many women ruled in this post – Nirmala Samant-Prabhavalkar (1994-1995), Vishakha Raut (997-1998), Dr. Shubha Raul (March 2007-Nov. 2009), Shraddha Jadhav (Dec. 2009-March 2012), Snehal Ambedkar (Sep. 2014-March 2017). The last incumbent (before the Administrator) was a government nurse, Kishori Pednekar (Nov. 2019-March 2022) - who earned the sobriquet of ‘Florence Nightingale’ of Mumbai - as she flitted around in her full white uniform at the height of the Covid-19 Pandemic, earning the admiration of the citizens. Mumbai Mayor – high-profile post The Mumbai Mayor’s post is considered a crucial step in the political ladder and many went on to become MLAs, MPs, state-central ministers, a Lok Sabha Speaker, Chief Ministers and union ministers. The formidable S. K. Patil was Mayor (1949-1952) and later served in the union cabinets of PMs Jawaharlal Nehru, Lah Bahadur Shastri and Indira Gandhi; Dahyabhai V. Patel (1954-1955) was the son of India’s first Home Minister Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel; Manohar Joshi (1976-1977) became the CM of Maharashtra, later union minister and Speaker of Lok Sabha; Chhagan Bhujbal (1985-1986 – 1990-1991) became a Deputy CM.

Marathi Manoeuvres

Last week, the cavernous Worli Dome in Mumbai played host to the rare spectacle of the two estranged Thackeray cousins - Uddhav and Raj – sharing the dais. The atmosphere brimmed with a thundering invocation of Marathi pride. Days later, the scene shifted to Mira Road, where both factions once again marched shoulder to shoulder in a Marathi Manoos Morcha. What began as a cultural assertion is quickly shaping into a potent realignment of Maharashtra’s political chessboard.


Though the ostensible cause remains the defence of the Marathi language and identity, the deeper game is unmistakably political. With elections to municipal corporations and zilla parishads on the horizon, both Uddhav Thackeray’s Shiv Sena (UBT) and Raj Thackeray’s Maharashtra Navnirman Sena (MNS) are testing the waters for an electoral understanding. It is an experiment loaded with possibilities and pitfalls.


There are two competing lenses through which to view this mobilisation. One is cultural — a defensive response to the perceived marginalisation of the Marathi language in urban enclaves where demographic shifts favour Hindi, Gujarati and other tongues. The other is political: a calculated manoeuvre by the Thackeray cousins to reassert themselves in a fractured Marathi political landscape and revive the legacy of Balasaheb Thackeray by merging charisma with arithmetic.


Raj Thackeray, a fiery orator with enduring appeal among disaffected Marathi youth, has long struggled to convert crowds into votes. His political rallies routinely draw thousands, but his electoral performance has remained anaemic. Part of the problem is fragmentation: his natural base overlaps with that of Uddhav’s Sena (UBT), leading to a dilution of the Marathi vote.


In theory, a UBT-MNS alliance could present a formidable challenge in urban and semi-urban seats. But stitching such an alliance requires painful trade-offs. Loyal local leaders may be asked to vacate seats in favour of joint candidates, stirring resentment in both camps. A divided rank-and-file benefits neither Uddhav nor Raj but their mutual rival Eknath Shinde.


Shinde, the breakaway Sena leader turned Deputy Chief Minister, is laying claim to the same Marathi identity terrain. His faction is backed by the BJP, which brings organisational heft, financial muscle and a formidable non-Marathi voter base of Gujaratis, North Indians and South Indians, especially in Mumbai, Pune and Thane. A messy or overzealous assertion of Marathi pride risks alienating these groups, driving them deeper into the BJP fold.


Recent speeches at the Marathi Manoos marches have not spared the BJP, with accusations that it is a party of ‘outsiders’ indifferent to Marathi cultural concerns. The strategy seems aimed at polarising the electorate along identity lines, hoping to consolidate the Marathi vote while casting the BJP as alien. But it is a dangerous gambit. The BJP’s urban footprint is wide, and painting it as an interloper could provoke a backlash in cities where coalitional support from multiple linguistic communities is necessary to win.


A wildcard in all of this is the BJP’s own thinking. With Uddhav out of favour and the Shinde faction floundering in some quarters, the BJP might quietly welcome a UBT-MNS entente if it helps further destabilise Shinde’s base. A weakened Shinde benefits the BJP, which then emerges as the dominant partner in their alliance. From this vantage, letting Uddhav and Raj cannibalise each other’s space — or even experiment with short-term unity — is not necessarily a bad outcome.


For Raj Thackeray, this is a moment of unusual leverage. He can bargain with Uddhav for seat-sharing, potentially reviving his sagging electoral profile. Or he could realign with Shinde and the BJP, trading cultural capital for ministerial posts, administrative muscle and strategic visibility. The BJP might welcome him as a useful Marathi face to shore up its image amid growing resentment over centralisation and ‘Gujarati dominance.’


Yet an alliance with Uddhav is no easy proposition. The former chief minister is still reeling from the departure of key leaders and a poor performance in recent polls. His ties with Congress and Sharad Pawar’s NCP (SP) are strained, and his party machinery is fragile. Aligning with Raj may appear like desperation, but it could also be the only path to political survival.


The question is whether either side has the patience or pragmatism to pull it off. For all his flamboyance, Raj remains a volatile actor. For all his experience, Uddhav today faces an existential crisis.

The Marathi Manoos rallies have turned into a full-blown political drama where power, identity and credibility are all up for grabs. One thing is certain: the Thackeray cousins have lit a match. Maharashtra now waits to see whether it sparks a flame or burns the house down.


(The writer is a political observer. Views personal)

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