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By:

Abhijit Mulye

21 August 2024 at 11:29:11 am

‘Bharat Ratna to Savarkar will increase its prestige’

Mumbai: Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) Sarsanghachalak Dr. Mohan Bhagwat on Sunday threw his full weight behind the long-standing demand to confer the Bharat Ratna on Swatantryaveer Vinayak Damodar Savarkar, asserting that the Hindutva ideologue’s inclusion would enhance the dignity of the country’s highest civilian honour. Bhagwat, who explained the genesis and growth of the RSS over past 100 years in two lectures at the Nehru Centre here on Saturday and Sunday, replied to several...

‘Bharat Ratna to Savarkar will increase its prestige’

Mumbai: Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) Sarsanghachalak Dr. Mohan Bhagwat on Sunday threw his full weight behind the long-standing demand to confer the Bharat Ratna on Swatantryaveer Vinayak Damodar Savarkar, asserting that the Hindutva ideologue’s inclusion would enhance the dignity of the country’s highest civilian honour. Bhagwat, who explained the genesis and growth of the RSS over past 100 years in two lectures at the Nehru Centre here on Saturday and Sunday, replied to several questions. While replying to one of the questions, he remarked, “If Swatantraveer Savarkar is given the Bharat Ratna, the prestige of the Bharat Ratna itself will increase.” He was asked, why there has been a delay in conferring the Bharat Ratna on Savarkar, in reply to which, Bhagwat said, “I am not part of that committee. But if I meet someone, I will ask. Even without that honour, he rules the hearts of millions of people.” he added. Social Divisions Bhagwat replied to questions that were clubbed in 14 different groups ranging from national security to environment, social harmony, youth, arts and sports. Whenever the questions suggested or expressed expectations that the RSS should do certain things, Bhagwat stressed on the involvement of the society and initiative from the society in resolving the problems. While addressing the critical issue of Uniform Civil Code, Bhagwat stated that the UCC should be framed by taking everyone into confidence and must not lead to social divisions. In the same way while replying to the question related to illegal migrants in the country, Bhagwat urged people to “detect and report” the “illegal infiltrators” to the police. He also urged people not to give them any employment and to be more “vigilant.” Backing SIR He highlighted that the Special Intensive Revision (SIR) exercise has already revealed the “foreigners” living in the country. “The government has a lot to do regarding infiltration. They have to detect and deport. This wasn’t happening until now, but it has started little by little, and it will gradually increase. When the census or the SIR is conducted, many people come to light who are not citizens of this country; they are automatically excluded from the process,” he said. “But we can do one thing: we can work on detection. Their language gives them away. We should detect them and report them to the appropriate authorities. We should inform the police that we suspect these people are foreigners, and they should investigate and keep an eye on them, and we will also keep an eye on them. We will not give employment to any foreigner. If someone is from our country, we will give them employment, but not to foreigners. You should be a little more vigilant and aware,” he added. SC Chief Emphasising the inclusivity of the Sangh, he said that anyone can become ‘Sarsanghchalak’ (RSS chief), including the SC and STs, as the decision is solely dependent on the work that any individual put for the organisation. “Kshatriya, Vaishya, Shudra or Brahmin does not qualify for the Sarsanghchalak position (RSS Chief), a Hindu will become the one who works and is best available. A Hindu will become, and that can also be an SC or ST. Anyone can become it depends on the work. Today, if you see, all classes have representation in the Sangh. The decision is taken on the basis of one who works and is best available,” he said. He pointed out that when the RSS was founded, its work began in a Brahmin-dominated community and hence, most of its founders were Brahmins, which led to the organisation being labelled as a Brahmin outfit at the time. People always look for an organisation that has representatives from their community, he said. “If I were to choose a chief, I would go by the ‘best available candidate’ criterion. When I was appointed RSS chief, there were many best candidates, but they were not available. I was the one who could be relieved from duties and appointed,” he said. He said that to belong to the Scheduled Caste or Scheduled Tribe communities is not a disqualification, and neither is being a Brahmin a qualification to become the RSS chief. Ready to step down if Sangh asks for Dr. Mohan Bhagwat on Sunday said the Sangh had asked him to continue working despite his age, while stressing that he would step down from the post whenever the organisation directs him to do so. “There is no election to the post of RSS chief. Regional and divisional heads appoint the chief. Generally, it is said that after turning 75, one should work without holding any post,” Bhagwat said. “I have completed 75 years and informed the RSS, but the organisation asked me to continue working. Whenever the RSS asks me to step down, I will do so, but retirement from work will never happen,” he said.

Missing, Again

Updated: Jan 2, 2025

Guayaquil

The disappearance of four children in Guayaquil, Ecuador, has shaken the country to its core. Brothers Josué and Ismael Arroyo, along with Saúl Arboleda and Steven Medina, aged between 11 and 15, vanished on December 8 after an encounter with men in military uniforms. Surveillance footage from the city’s Las Malvinas neighbourhood shows two boys being taken by uniformed men, their fates unknown. Days later, bodies were discovered in a rugged military zone in Taura, near Naranjal, intensifying fears of a grim outcome. The government has promised accountability, but the case evokes haunting memories of Latin America’s history of forced disappearances during military regimes.


Guayaquil, a bustling port city often associated with Ecuador’s economic dynamism, now finds itself grappling with the horrors of its children’s apparent abduction. The president, Daniel Noboa, under growing pressure from human rights organizations and an outraged public, has vowed transparency. Yet the images and testimonies leave little room for ambiguity.


The judicial system has officially recognized the children’s plight as a case of forced disappearance. A judge has mandated comprehensive reparations and ordered continued investigations to uncover their whereabouts. Forensic teams are now tasked with identifying the bodies found in Taura, a grim endeavour likely to determine whether hope remains or if the worst fears have materialized.


This tragedy is not just Ecuador’s shame but a reminder of a regional scourge. Throughout Latin America, forced disappearances have been wielded as a tool of oppression, a brutal tactic employed by authoritarian regimes to instil fear and crush dissent. The spectre of los desaparecidos (‘the disappeared’) looms large in the region’s collective memory.


During Argentina’s ‘Dirty War’ (1976–1983), up to 30,000 people vanished, many abducted by the military junta, tortured, and killed. Chile’s Pinochet regime (1973–1990) left over 3,000 dead or missing. In Guatemala, a staggering 45,000 people disappeared during its brutal civil war. Each country has its own horror stories: clandestine detention centers, flights where victims were thrown into the sea, and mass graves unearthed decades later. These crimes—state-sanctioned and systematically concealed—tore apart families and communities, leaving scars that persist to this day.


Though Ecuador escaped the scale of repression seen in its neighbours, its past is not unblemished. During its brief flirtations with authoritarianism in the late 20th century, the country witnessed human rights abuses, though disappearances were less common.


The potential involvement of military personnel has sparked protests and accusations of systemic failings. Human rights groups have called for swift justice. For Ecuadorians, this is not merely a test of President Noboa’s government but also a measure of whether their democracy can ensure accountability in the face of abuses by the state.


Noboa, who is seeking re-election in February, finds himself at a precarious juncture. On the one hand, his government’s rhetoric signals commitment to justice; on the other, its actions will determine whether such promises hold weight.


This case is a harrowing indictment of systemic failures. Ecuador’s institutions are buckling under the strain of rising violence and weak governance. Guayaquil, a microcosm of the country’s woes, has become a hotspot for organized crime, with children often caught in its deadly grip. But the military’s alleged involvement adds a chilling dimension. It raises uncomfortable questions about the integrity of the very forces tasked with safeguarding the population.


The plight of the Arroyo brothers, Saúl Arboleda, and Steven Medina has mobilized Ecuadorians in ways reminiscent of past struggles for justice. Ecuador must act swiftly to ensure this case does not follow the trajectory of so many others. Failure to do so risks perpetuating a cycle of violence and impunity that Latin America has struggled for decades to escape.

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