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By:

Abhijit Mulye

21 August 2024 at 11:29:11 am

Inside the secret power struggle behind Dhankhar’s resignation

Mumbai: The cryptic silence surrounding the abrupt resignation of former Vice President Jagdeep Dhankhar in July was shattered on the floor of the Rajya Sabha this Monday, not by a government clarification, but by the visible anguish of the Opposition. While official records continue to attribute his departure to “health reasons,” highly placed sources in the power corridors of the capital have now confirmed that a fatal misunderstanding of the shifting power dynamics between the Rashtriya...

Inside the secret power struggle behind Dhankhar’s resignation

Mumbai: The cryptic silence surrounding the abrupt resignation of former Vice President Jagdeep Dhankhar in July was shattered on the floor of the Rajya Sabha this Monday, not by a government clarification, but by the visible anguish of the Opposition. While official records continue to attribute his departure to “health reasons,” highly placed sources in the power corridors of the capital have now confirmed that a fatal misunderstanding of the shifting power dynamics between the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) and the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) top brass was the true precipice from which the former Vice President fell. The revelations surfaced as the Winter Session of Parliament commenced on Monday, December 1, 2025. The solemnity of welcoming the new Vice President and Rajya Sabha Chairman, C.P. Radhakrishnan, was punctured by an emotional intervention from Leader of the Opposition Mallikarjun Kharge. The veteran Congress leader, hands shaking and voice trembling, shed tears on the floor of the House—a rare display of vulnerability that underscored the Opposition’s grievance over what they term an “institutional surgical strike.” The Failed Mediation Exclusive details emerging from Delhi’s political circles paint a picture of a constitutional authority who misread the winds of change. Sources reveal that tensions between Dhankhar and the government had been simmering for months, primarily over his handling of key legislative agendas and a perceived “drift” towards accommodating Opposition demands in the Upper House. As the chasm widened, a lifeline was reportedly thrown. A senior leader from a prominent alliance partner within the National Democratic Alliance (NDA) — a figure with decades of parliamentary experience and respect across the aisle — had discreetly offered to mediate. This leader recognized the growing impatience in the BJP high command and sought to bridge the gap before it became unbridgeable. However, Dhankhar declined the immediate urgency of this political mediation. “He was confident in his equations with the ideological parent,” a source familiar with the developments stated. “He is close to some of the RSS top functionaries and relied on them to mediate when his equations with the BJP top brass started going astray.” This reliance on Nagpur to manage New Delhi proved to be a critical miscalculation. Sources indicate that Dhankhar believed his deep ties with the Sangh would act as a buffer, insulating him from the political maneuvering of the ruling party’s executive leadership. He reportedly waited for the “green signal” or intervention from RSS functionaries, delaying the necessary reconciliation with the party leadership. Cost of delay The delay in mending ways was fatal. By the time the former Vice President realized that the RSS would not—or could not—overrule the BJP’s strategic decision to replace him, the die had been cast. The drift had become a gulf. The instruction, when it finally came on that fateful July 21, was absolute - he had to vacate the office immediately. The “untimely sudden resignation” that followed was officially cloaked in medical terminology, but insiders describe a chaotic exit. The former VP, who had recently moved into the lavish new Vice-President’s Enclave, was forced to vacate the premises in haste, leaving behind a tenure marked by both assertive confrontations and, ironically, a final act of silent compliance. Tears in the Upper House The ghost of this departure loomed large over Monday’s proceedings. Welcoming the new Chairman, C.P. Radhakrishnan, Mallikarjun Kharge could not hold back his emotions. Breaking away from the customary pleasantries, Kharge launched into a poignant lament for the predecessor who was denied a farewell. “I am constrained to refer to your predecessor’s completely unexpected and sudden exit from the office of the Rajya Sabha Chairman, which is unprecedented in the annals of parliamentary history,” Kharge said, his voice heavy with emotion. As Treasury benches erupted in protest, shouting slogans to drown out the discomforting truth, Kharge continued, wiping tears from his eyes. “The Chairman, being the custodian of the entire House, belongs as much to the Opposition as to the government. I was disheartened that the House did not get an opportunity to bid him a farewell. Regardless, we wish him, on behalf of the entire Opposition, a very healthy life.” The sight of the Leader of the Opposition shedding tears for a presiding officer with whom he had frequently clashed was a striking paradox. It highlighted the Opposition’s narrative that Dhankhar’s removal was not just a personnel change, but an assertion of executive dominance over the legislature. New chapter with old scars The government, represented by Parliamentary Affairs Minister Kiren Rijiju, sharply countered Kharge’s remarks, accusing the Opposition of shedding “crocodile tears” after having moved impeachment notices against Dhankhar in the past. “You are insulting the Chair by raising this now,” Rijiju argued amidst the din. Yet, outside the House, the whispers persisted. The narrative of a Vice President who waited for a call from Nagpur that came too late has firmly taken root. As C.P. Radhakrishnan takes the Chair, he does so not just as a new presiding officer, but as the successor to a man who learned the hard way that in the current dispensation, political alignment with the executive supersedes even the oldest of ideological ties.

Modi: Changed Leader or Politics as Usual?

Updated: Oct 21, 2024

Modi: Changed Leader or Politics as Usual?

The 2024 Lok Sabha elections delivered a jolt to Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s otherwise unshakeable political standing. For the first time since taking office in 2014, Modi and the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) were forced to reckon with a stark electoral setback, prompting speculation about whether the Prime Minister is genuinely altering his approach or merely navigating the necessities of coalition politics. As Modi grapples with a diminished majority, his recent actions suggest a blend of flexibility and pragmatism, leaving observers to wonder whether these are signs of a new modus operandi or tactical manoeuvres in response to political headwinds.

Modi’s BJP, which once rode a wave of nationalist fervour and economic promises, now finds itself in a more precarious position, needing to accommodate the interests of coalition partners and regional satraps.

Take, for instance, the National Democratic Alliance’s (NDA) attempt to overhaul the regulations governing Waqf Board properties. The proposed Waqf (Amendment) Bill, introduced by Union Minister Kiren Rijiju, aimed to reform Waqf board operations, correcting perceived flaws in the original Waqf Act of 1995. Rijiju assured Parliament that the amendments would respect religious freedoms while enhancing oversight and governance. However, the bill faced resistance, not only from the opposition but also from BJP allies, who advised caution and broader consultations before proceeding. The government’s decision to refer the bill to a parliamentary committee for detailed discussions was a concession to coalition partners and an unusual display of deference from a leader known for his unilateral decision-making style.

This move underscored the broader challenges Modi faces in maintaining the delicate balance between his party’s core agenda and the diverse demands of his coalition partners. Unlike previous years when the BJP’s brute majority allowed for swift passage of contentious bills, the new political reality has forced Modi to adopt a more consultative approach, particularly on sensitive issues that risk alienating key allies. The Waqf Board amendments, a seemingly technical issue, have broader implications for the BJP’s outreach to minority communities and its image as a party willing to listen.

Similarly, Modi’s response to the collapse of a 35-foot statue of the Maratha king Shivaji in Maharashtra marked a rare moment of public apology from a Prime Minister typically loath to admit mistakes. Speaking in Palghar, Modi not only laid the foundation stone for a massive port project but also apologized to those offended by the statue’s collapse, a symbolic gesture aimed at placating sentiments in a politically sensitive state. “For me, my colleagues, and everyone, Shivaji Maharaj is not just a king but a revered figure,” Modi said. “I bow my head at his feet and apologize to my deity.” This act of contrition, unusual for a leader who has often projected a resolute, even infallible image, raised questions about whether Modi is becoming more attuned to the complexities of coalition governance and regional sensitivities.

Modi’s newfound pliability is also evident in the introduction of a Unified Pension Scheme (UPS), promising government employees a guaranteed 50% of their salary as pension along with inflation adjustments. This move is a direct counter to the Congress party’s push for a return to the Old Pension Scheme (OPS), which had gained traction among the workforce, particularly in states like Himachal Pradesh. The Congress’s OPS rhetoric had struck a chord with government employees, a demographic traditionally aligned with the BJP, but the new UPS seeks to offer a sustainable alternative while bolstering the BJP’s appeal ahead of crucial assembly elections in states like Haryana, Maharashtra, and Jharkhand.

Yet, despite these instances of seeming adaptability, the point remains whether Modi’s actions reflect a genuine shift in leadership style or are simply pragmatic responses to political challenges. While the BJP’s new pension proposal took 18 months to finalize, it appears timed to coincide with electoral necessities rather than a fundamental policy overhaul. The UPS, set to take effect from the next financial year, offers a stable retirement income for government employees, a strategic carrot to counter the Congress’s promises and maintain the BJP’s voter base.

Critics argue that Modi’s core governing philosophy — marked by centralization, a strong personal brand, and a focus on nationalist themes — remains largely unchanged. His concessions, they contend, are less about altering his approach and more about managing the coalition dynamics that have become critical in the wake of the 2024 electoral results. The BJP’s need for allies has never been more pronounced, as demonstrated by the party’s concessions on issues like the Waqf board amendments and pension schemes. Allies such as the Telugu Desam Party (TDP), JanaSena Party (JSP), and Chirag Paswan’s Lok Janshakti Party (LJP) have all signalled the limits of their support, pushing Modi to adapt, at least superficially, to their demands.

The coalition’s growing assertiveness reflects a broader trend in Indian politics where regional voices are increasingly unwilling to be mere appendages to national parties. Modi’s decisions henceforth will be scrutinized by allies who can sway the fate of his government.

As India heads towards the next set of elections, Modi’s flexibility, whether real or perceived, will face further scrutiny. His ability to navigate coalition pressures while retaining his party’s distinctive ideological stance will be crucial in shaping the BJP’s electoral fortunes in forthcoming Assembly polls, especially in Maharashtra, Haryana, and Jammu & Kashmir. For now, Modi appears to be playing a careful game, one that blends the necessity of political pragmatism with the imperatives of preserving his legacy.

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