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By:

Rajeev Puri

24 October 2024 at 5:11:37 am

Before Sholay, there was Mera Gaon Mera Desh

When the comedian and television host Kapil Sharma recently welcomed the veteran screenwriter Salim Khan onto his show, he made a striking claim. India, he joked, has a national bird and a national animal; it ought also to have a national film. That film, he suggested, would surely be Sholay. Few would quarrel with the sentiment. Released in 1975 and directed by Ramesh Sippy,  Sholay  has long been treated as the Everest of Hindi popular cinema -quoted endlessly, revisited by generations and...

Before Sholay, there was Mera Gaon Mera Desh

When the comedian and television host Kapil Sharma recently welcomed the veteran screenwriter Salim Khan onto his show, he made a striking claim. India, he joked, has a national bird and a national animal; it ought also to have a national film. That film, he suggested, would surely be Sholay. Few would quarrel with the sentiment. Released in 1975 and directed by Ramesh Sippy,  Sholay  has long been treated as the Everest of Hindi popular cinema -quoted endlessly, revisited by generations and dissected by critics. In 2025, the film marked its 50th anniversary, and the release of a digitally restored, uncut version introduced the classic to a new generation of viewers who discovered that its mixture of revenge drama, western pastiche and buddy comedy remains curiously durable. The film’s influences have been debated almost as much as its dialogues – from scenes taken by the Spaghetti westerns of Sergio Leone, particularly ‘Once Upon a Time in the West’ (1968) or to the narrative architecture of ‘Seven Samurai’ (1954) by Akira Kurosawa. Others note echoes of earlier Hindi films about bandits and frontier justice, such as ‘Khotey Sikke’ (1973) starring Feroz Khan. Yet, rewatching ‘Mera Gaon Mera Desh,’ directed by Raj Khosla, one cannot help noticing how many of the narrative bones of  Sholay  appear to have been assembled there first. Released in 1971,  Mera Gaon Mera Desh  was a major hit at the box office, notable for holding its own in a year dominated by the near-hysterical popularity of Rajesh Khanna. The thematic framework of the two films is strikingly similar. In  Sholay , the retired policeman Thakur Baldev Singh recruits two petty criminals - Jai and Veeru - to help him avenge the terror inflicted upon his village by the bandit Gabbar Singh. In  Mera Gaon Mera Desh , the set-up is not very different. A retired soldier, Jaswant Singh, seeks to protect his village from a ruthless dacoit and enlists the help of a small-time crook named Ajit. Even the villain’s name seems to echo across the two films. In Khosla’s drama, the marauding bandit played by Vinod Khanna is scene-stealing performance is called Jabbar Singh. In  Sholay , the outlaw who would become one of Indian cinema’s most memorable antagonists was Gabbar Singh. There is an additional irony in the casting. In  Mera Gaon Mera Desh , the retired soldier Jaswant Singh is played by Jayant - the real-life father of Amjad Khan, who would later immortalise Gabbar Singh in  Sholay . The connective tissue between the two films becomes even clearer in the presence of Dharmendra. In Khosla’s film he plays Ajit, a charming rogue who gradually redeems himself while defending the village. Four years later, Dharmendra returned in  Sholay  as Veeru, a similarly exuberant petty criminal whose courage and irrepressible humour make him one half of Hindi cinema’s most beloved buddy duo alongside Amitabh Bachchan as Jai. Certain visual motifs also appear to have travelled intact. In Khosla’s film, Ajit finds himself bound in ropes in the bandit’s den during a dramatic musical sequence. A similar image appears in  Sholay , where Veeru is tied up before Gabbar Singh while Basanti performs the now famous song ‘Jab Tak Hai Jaan.’ Other echoes are subtler but just as suggestive. Ajit’s pursuit of the village belle Anju, played by Asha Parekh, anticipates Veeru’s boisterous attempts to woo Basanti, portrayed by Hema Malini. Scenes in which Ajit teaches Anju to shoot recall the flirtatious gun-training sequence between Veeru and Basanti that became one of  Sholay ’s most cherished moments. Even the famous coin motif has a precedent. Ajit frequently tosses a coin to make decisions - a flourish that would later appear in  Sholay , where Jai’s coin toss becomes a running gag. Perhaps most intriguingly, the endings of the two films converge in their original form. In  Mera Gaon Mera Desh , the villain is ultimately killed by the hero. The uncut version of  Sholay  reportedly ended in a similar fashion, with Gabbar Singh meeting his death at the hands of Thakur Baldev Singh. However, censors altered the climax before the film’s 1975 release, requiring that Gabbar be handed over to the police instead. All this does not diminish  Sholay . Rather, it highlights the alchemy through which cinema evolves. The scriptwriting duo Salim–Javed took familiar ingredients and expanded them into a grander narrative populated by unforgettable characters and stylised action. On the 55 th  anniversary of  Mera Gaon Mera Desh , Raj Khosla’s rugged western deserves a renewed glance as the sturdy foundation on which a legend called  Sholay  was built. (The author is a political commentator and a global affairs observer. Views personal.)

Modi: Changed Leader or Politics as Usual?

Updated: Oct 21, 2024

Modi: Changed Leader or Politics as Usual?

The 2024 Lok Sabha elections delivered a jolt to Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s otherwise unshakeable political standing. For the first time since taking office in 2014, Modi and the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) were forced to reckon with a stark electoral setback, prompting speculation about whether the Prime Minister is genuinely altering his approach or merely navigating the necessities of coalition politics. As Modi grapples with a diminished majority, his recent actions suggest a blend of flexibility and pragmatism, leaving observers to wonder whether these are signs of a new modus operandi or tactical manoeuvres in response to political headwinds.

Modi’s BJP, which once rode a wave of nationalist fervour and economic promises, now finds itself in a more precarious position, needing to accommodate the interests of coalition partners and regional satraps.

Take, for instance, the National Democratic Alliance’s (NDA) attempt to overhaul the regulations governing Waqf Board properties. The proposed Waqf (Amendment) Bill, introduced by Union Minister Kiren Rijiju, aimed to reform Waqf board operations, correcting perceived flaws in the original Waqf Act of 1995. Rijiju assured Parliament that the amendments would respect religious freedoms while enhancing oversight and governance. However, the bill faced resistance, not only from the opposition but also from BJP allies, who advised caution and broader consultations before proceeding. The government’s decision to refer the bill to a parliamentary committee for detailed discussions was a concession to coalition partners and an unusual display of deference from a leader known for his unilateral decision-making style.

This move underscored the broader challenges Modi faces in maintaining the delicate balance between his party’s core agenda and the diverse demands of his coalition partners. Unlike previous years when the BJP’s brute majority allowed for swift passage of contentious bills, the new political reality has forced Modi to adopt a more consultative approach, particularly on sensitive issues that risk alienating key allies. The Waqf Board amendments, a seemingly technical issue, have broader implications for the BJP’s outreach to minority communities and its image as a party willing to listen.

Similarly, Modi’s response to the collapse of a 35-foot statue of the Maratha king Shivaji in Maharashtra marked a rare moment of public apology from a Prime Minister typically loath to admit mistakes. Speaking in Palghar, Modi not only laid the foundation stone for a massive port project but also apologized to those offended by the statue’s collapse, a symbolic gesture aimed at placating sentiments in a politically sensitive state. “For me, my colleagues, and everyone, Shivaji Maharaj is not just a king but a revered figure,” Modi said. “I bow my head at his feet and apologize to my deity.” This act of contrition, unusual for a leader who has often projected a resolute, even infallible image, raised questions about whether Modi is becoming more attuned to the complexities of coalition governance and regional sensitivities.

Modi’s newfound pliability is also evident in the introduction of a Unified Pension Scheme (UPS), promising government employees a guaranteed 50% of their salary as pension along with inflation adjustments. This move is a direct counter to the Congress party’s push for a return to the Old Pension Scheme (OPS), which had gained traction among the workforce, particularly in states like Himachal Pradesh. The Congress’s OPS rhetoric had struck a chord with government employees, a demographic traditionally aligned with the BJP, but the new UPS seeks to offer a sustainable alternative while bolstering the BJP’s appeal ahead of crucial assembly elections in states like Haryana, Maharashtra, and Jharkhand.

Yet, despite these instances of seeming adaptability, the point remains whether Modi’s actions reflect a genuine shift in leadership style or are simply pragmatic responses to political challenges. While the BJP’s new pension proposal took 18 months to finalize, it appears timed to coincide with electoral necessities rather than a fundamental policy overhaul. The UPS, set to take effect from the next financial year, offers a stable retirement income for government employees, a strategic carrot to counter the Congress’s promises and maintain the BJP’s voter base.

Critics argue that Modi’s core governing philosophy — marked by centralization, a strong personal brand, and a focus on nationalist themes — remains largely unchanged. His concessions, they contend, are less about altering his approach and more about managing the coalition dynamics that have become critical in the wake of the 2024 electoral results. The BJP’s need for allies has never been more pronounced, as demonstrated by the party’s concessions on issues like the Waqf board amendments and pension schemes. Allies such as the Telugu Desam Party (TDP), JanaSena Party (JSP), and Chirag Paswan’s Lok Janshakti Party (LJP) have all signalled the limits of their support, pushing Modi to adapt, at least superficially, to their demands.

The coalition’s growing assertiveness reflects a broader trend in Indian politics where regional voices are increasingly unwilling to be mere appendages to national parties. Modi’s decisions henceforth will be scrutinized by allies who can sway the fate of his government.

As India heads towards the next set of elections, Modi’s flexibility, whether real or perceived, will face further scrutiny. His ability to navigate coalition pressures while retaining his party’s distinctive ideological stance will be crucial in shaping the BJP’s electoral fortunes in forthcoming Assembly polls, especially in Maharashtra, Haryana, and Jammu & Kashmir. For now, Modi appears to be playing a careful game, one that blends the necessity of political pragmatism with the imperatives of preserving his legacy.

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