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By:

Abhijit Mulye

21 August 2024 at 11:29:11 am

Shinde dilutes demand

Likely to be content with Deputy Mayor’s post in Mumbai Mumbai: In a decisive shift that redraws the power dynamics of Maharashtra’s urban politics, the standoff over the prestigious Mumbai Mayor’s post has ended with a strategic compromise. Following days of resort politics and intense backroom negotiations, the Eknath Shinde-led Shiv Sena has reportedly diluted its demand for the top job in the Brihanmumbai Municipal Corporation (BMC), settling instead for the Deputy Mayor’s post. This...

Shinde dilutes demand

Likely to be content with Deputy Mayor’s post in Mumbai Mumbai: In a decisive shift that redraws the power dynamics of Maharashtra’s urban politics, the standoff over the prestigious Mumbai Mayor’s post has ended with a strategic compromise. Following days of resort politics and intense backroom negotiations, the Eknath Shinde-led Shiv Sena has reportedly diluted its demand for the top job in the Brihanmumbai Municipal Corporation (BMC), settling instead for the Deputy Mayor’s post. This development, confirmed by high-ranking party insiders, follows the realization that the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) effectively ceded its claims on the Kalyan-Dombivali Municipal Corporation (KDMC) to protect the alliance, facilitating a “Mumbai for BJP, Kalyan for Shinde” power-sharing formula. The compromise marks a complete role reversal between the BJP and the Shiv Sena. Both the political parties were in alliance with each other for over 25 years before 2017 civic polls. Back then the BJP used to get the post of Deputy Mayor while the Shiv Sena always enjoyed the mayor’s position. In 2017 a surging BJP (82 seats) had paused its aggression to support the undivided Shiv Sena (84 seats), preferring to be out of power in the Corporation to keep the saffron alliance intact. Today, the numbers dictate a different reality. In the recently concluded elections BJP emerged as the single largest party in Mumbai with 89 seats, while the Shinde faction secured 29. Although the Shinde faction acted as the “kingmaker”—pushing the alliance past the majority mark of 114—the sheer numerical gap made their claim to the mayor’s post untenable in the long run. KDMC Factor The catalyst for this truce lies 40 kilometers north of Mumbai in Kalyan-Dombivali, a region considered the impregnable fortress of Eknath Shinde and his son, MP Shrikant Shinde. While the BJP performed exceptionally well in KDMC, winning 50 seats compared to the Shinde faction’s 53, the lotter for the reservation of mayor’s post in KDMC turned the tables decisively in favor of Shiv Sena there. In the lottery, the KDMC mayor’ post went to be reserved for the Scheduled Tribe candidate. The BJP doesn’t have any such candidate among elected corporatros in KDMC. This cleared the way for Shiv Sena. Also, the Shiv Sena tied hands with the MNS in the corporation effectively weakening the Shiv Sena (UBT)’s alliance with them. Party insiders suggest that once it became clear the BJP would not pursue the KDMC Mayor’s chair—effectively acknowledging it as Shinde’s fiefdom—he agreed to scale down his demands in the capital. “We have practically no hope of installing a BJP Mayor in Kalyan-Dombivali without shattering the alliance locally,” a Mumbai BJP secretary admitted and added, “Letting the KDMC become Shinde’s home turf is the price for securing the Mumbai Mayor’s bungalow for a BJP corporator for the first time in history.” The formal elections for the Mayoral posts are scheduled for later this month. While the opposition Maharashtra Vikas Aghadi (MVA)—led by the Shiv Sena (UBT)—has vowed to field candidates, the arithmetic heavily favors the ruling alliance. For Eknath Shinde, accepting the Deputy Mayor’s post in Mumbai is a tactical retreat. It allows him to consolidate his power in the MMR belt (Thane and Kalyan) while remaining a partner in Mumbai’s governance. For the BJP, this is a crowning moment; after playing second fiddle in the BMC for decades, they are poised to finally install their own “First Citizen” of Mumbai.

Moral Clarity

In a Valley often scarred by blood and cynicism, it is rare to witness a politician step away from the podium of opportunism and speak not as a party leader, but as a statesman. Chief Minister Omar Abdullah, scion of Kashmir’s most famous political dynasty, did just that after the gruesome Pahalgam terror strike by refusing to use their tragedy as a pretext to reignite the contentious demand for Jammu and Kashmir’s statehood.


For once, Kashmir’s pain was not reduced to political currency. That Abdullah chose not to raise the statehood issue in a special Assembly session on the Pahalgam attack is not just commendable but unprecedented in the political history of his family. In Kashmir’s turbulent troubled past, grief has often been grist for the dynastic mill. Instead, Omar chose restraint. Such moral clarity has been long absent from the Abdullah playbook.


Contrast this with the past. In 1987, under the watch of his father, Farooq Abdullah, an election that was allegedly rigged had shattered Kashmiris’ faith in democracy and served as the ignition point for the insurgency that still plagues the region. That stolen mandate paved the way for mass alienation and bloodshed, from which the Valley has never fully recovered. Likewise, Omar’s grandfather, Sheikh Abdullah - the much-romanticised ‘Lion of Kashmir’ – while justly credited with land reforms and ending Dogra feudalism which improved the lives of impoverished Muslims, was no stranger to political expediency. His flirtation with plebiscitary promises and abrupt turnabouts sowed confusion and distrust that still clouds his legacy.


Indeed, the Abdullah dynasty has often spoken the language of integration and secularism, while overseeing moments that betrayed those very ideals. The Maharajgunj riots, in which shops owned by Pandits were torched, remain an indelible stain on the National Conference’s secular pretensions.


Yet in his remarks after Pahalgam, Omar Abdullah did not equivocate. He did not dodge responsibility, even though, as he reminded the House, security lies outside the remit of the elected government. It was a refreshing act of political accountability often absent in leaders across the spectrum, be they from the ruling or opposition parties.


He also acknowledged the sweeping popular condemnation of the attack from Kathua to Kupwara, which, he rightly observed, is the real beginning of the fight against terror. Not a jingoistic chest-thumping exercise, but a people-led repudiation of violence.


That makes it all the more vital that the state does not squander this rare moment of public unity. A heavy-handed response in the form of dragnet arrests, indiscriminate detentions or collective punishments could undo the solidarity now visible on Kashmir’s streets.


Omar Abdullah’s remarks were a rebuke to the old political script of Kashmir. He did not reach for Article 370 or trot out tired grievances. He stood with the people, not over them. In a land burdened with inherited tragedy and political theatre, that is a radical act. Let it not be a fleeting one.

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