India and Italy are rediscovering each other as partners in a more fractured, multipolar world Diplomacy often advances through the steady accumulation of modest alignments. The recent warming of relations between Narendra Modi’s India and Giorgia Meloni’s Italy suggests just such an incremental and pragmatic shift, one that is shaped by the pressures of a changing geopolitical order. An unremarkable bilateral relationship is now being recast as a partnership spanning defence, technology and maritime security. Global Ambitions Italy’s renewed outward gaze is central to this evolution. Long seen as a bridge between Europe, North Africa and the Middle East, Rome is reasserting itself as a Mediterranean power with global ambitions. Under Meloni, Italy has sought to balance its role as a founding member of the European Union with a more assertive foreign policy beyond the continent. Its recalibration includes deeper engagement with Asian partners, notably India and Japan, reflecting a recognition that economic dynamism and strategic weight are shifting eastwards. India, for its part, has been receptive. Its own foreign policy has grown more expansive, driven by economic ambition and security concerns. A closer relationship with Italy offers both symbolism and substance: access to European technology, a foothold in Mediterranean geopolitics and a partner that shares its unease about overdependence on any single global power. The trips by Italian Foreign Minister Antonio Tajani and Defence Minister Guido Crosetto to India last month underscored a new seriousness. Agreements signed during these visits span defence cooperation, industrial partnerships and scientific exchange. The launch of an India–Italy Business, Science and Technology Forum signals an effort to anchor political goodwill in commercial reality. Defence Ties Nowhere is the shift more evident than in defence. On April 30, the two countries agreed to a bilateral military cooperation plan for 2026–27, laying out a roadmap for joint exercises, training programmes and closer institutional ties between their armed forces. Such initiatives mark a departure from the past. With India pursuing co-production in defence under its Atmanirbhar Bharat (self-reliance) initiative, seeking to reduce dependence on imports while acquiring advanced technologies, Italy, with its sophisticated defence manufacturing base, is an attractive partner. Collaboration in aerospace, naval systems and advanced engineering offers mutual benefits by which India gains capabilities and Italy gains market access and strategic relevance in Asia. There is a geopolitical subtext here. India remains wary of Pakistan’s role in regional instability and has quietly urged European partners, including Italy, to exercise caution in sensitive technological transfers. At the same time, both India and Italy share concerns about terrorism and have emphasised intelligence-sharing and coordinated responses as part of their expanding security dialogue. Maritime security provides another arena for convergence. Italy’s interests are anchored in the Mediterranean, while India’s extend across the Indo-Pacific. Yet the two theatres are increasingly interconnected, linked by trade routes, energy flows and strategic competition. Discussions between the two sides have highlighted the importance of safeguarding sea lanes, enhancing information-sharing and coordinating responses to emerging threats. For Italy, engagement with India offers a presence in the Indo-Pacific. Economic ties, though still modest, are poised for growth. Both countries see opportunities in sectors ranging from renewable energy and infrastructure to artificial intelligence and semiconductors. Academic collaboration is also expanding, with universities exploring joint research projects and student exchanges. Tourism, often overlooked in strategic discourse, may yet prove a useful lubricant, fostering cultural familiarity alongside commercial ties. That said, this burgeoning partnership should not be overstated. Trade volumes remain limited compared with India’s exchanges with larger European economies such as Germany or France. Nor is Italy likely to displace India’s more established defence partners in the near term. The relationship is best understood as complementary rather than transformative. Still, its significance lies in what it represents. In a world marked by intensifying rivalry between America and China, middle powers are seeking greater autonomy and flexibility. India and Italy, despite their differences in scale and geography, share an interest in a multipolar order in which influence is more widely distributed and partnerships are more fluid. The prospect of a visit by Modi to Italy later this year may provide further impetus. For now, the Indo-Italian rapprochement reflects a broader truth about contemporary geopolitics: that distance is no longer a barrier to cooperation, and that unlikely partnerships can emerge when strategic needs align. The Mediterranean and the Indo-Pacific may be far apart on the map, but in the calculations of modern statecraft, they are drawing closer. (The writer is a foreign affairs expert. Views personal.)
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