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By:

Quaid Najmi

4 January 2025 at 3:26:24 pm

Educated Muslims being hounded: Owaisi

Mumbai: AIMIM President Asaduddin Owaisi has flayed what he termed as a ‘media trial’ in the alleged TCS Nashik conversion case and claimed that educated Muslims youth are being deliberately targeted as part of planned ‘hate campaign’, here on Saturday. Reiterating full faith in the judicial process, Owaisi said that justice cannot be handed out through media narratives or television debates and the law must be allowed to take its own course. “We are seeing a very dangerous trend… Now,...

Educated Muslims being hounded: Owaisi

Mumbai: AIMIM President Asaduddin Owaisi has flayed what he termed as a ‘media trial’ in the alleged TCS Nashik conversion case and claimed that educated Muslims youth are being deliberately targeted as part of planned ‘hate campaign’, here on Saturday. Reiterating full faith in the judicial process, Owaisi said that justice cannot be handed out through media narratives or television debates and the law must be allowed to take its own course. “We are seeing a very dangerous trend… Now, educated Muslims are being picked out for orchestrated allegations and media campaigns. This doesn’t augur well for society and justice itself with the media playing the role of the judge and jury,” said Owaisi sharply. Flanked by the All India Majlis-e-Ittehadul Muslimeen state President Imtiaz Jaleel, Owaisi also emphatically said that it was wrong to link his party with the TCS case prime accused Nida Khan, “who will be ultimately proven innocent in the courts”. He expressed concerns over the slur campaign driven by malice and political motives against his party as well as Nida Khan in some sections of the media even before the investigations were completed or a judicial scrutiny. “Merely because some allegations have been hurled at a young woman professional, attempts are being made to paint her ‘guilty’ through media trials, even before judicial scrutiny. But, we have complete faith in the judiciary and are confident that the court will eventually exonerate her,” asserted Owaisi. Public Discourse Raising questions on the probe and accompanying public discourse with stress on the alleged recovery of certain ‘evidence’ from Nida Khan’s home, he sharply questioned: “Since when have a burqa, a niqab or religious literature become objectionable… Is wearing a hijab now regarded as evidence of a crime?” He said that these details along with baseless allegations are sensationalism in the media to create further prejudice against the minority community and reflected a deep-rooted hostility aimed at harassing educated Muslim men and women. Owaisi pointed out that a complaint in the TCS Nashik case was filed by a leader linked with the ruling party, and as per the software giant’s statement, Nida Khan was not with its HR Department and transferred even before the controversy erupted, contradicting several media reports. Of the nine cases lodged in the matter till date, in one case, she was accused of hurting religious sentiments, but nobody can comment on it before the court pronounces its verdict, he pointed out. Court Fight Dismissing attempts to drag and link the AIMIM into the row, he referred to a party Municipal Corporator Matin Patel who was booked merely on the basis of certain allegations and vowed to contest the matter in the court. Here Owaisi cited multiple examples of educated Muslims being scrutinised – including in Delhi when some educated youths were arrested for possessing a book by the legendary Urdu poet Mirza Ghalib and they were later released. There was another one from Allahabad where some Muslim boys were targeted for writing an Urdu ‘sher’ (couplet) prompting judicial intervention, and predicted that even in the Nashik TCS case, the truth will ultimately prevail as no criminal charges against Nida Khan may stand. AIMIM to set up voter help-desks AIMIM President and Hyderabad MP, Asaduddin Owaisi said his party is developing a digital application containing electoral records of all 288 Assembly constituencies in Maharashtra for 2002-2024, to help voters in the SIR process. For this, the AIMIM will set up help desk centers in its strongholds to facilitate the process and ensure proper utilisation of voter data. Alleging discrepancies in electoral records, he said such errors create huge problems for the voters, especially the poor or illiterates. Owaisi mentioned how of the nearly 27 lakh names placed in the adjudication list in West Bengal, “90 pc were poor Muslims.” These centers would be open for all Muslims, Buddhists, Christians, Dalits, Adivasis and the general public needing assistance with the electoral records.

NCERT, Defamation and Academic Freedom

When state textbooks face judicial scrutiny

The Supreme Court of India’s recent direction to the National Council of Educational Research and Training (NCERT) to revisit and remove allegedly defamatory content from its textbooks raises a fundamental and somewhat uncomfortable question: where does academic freedom end and reputational harm begin when the state itself is the author of the narrative?


State Responsibility

At the outset, it must be acknowledged that textbooks prescribed by NCERT are not mere academic commentaries; they carry the imprimatur of the state and shape the intellectual foundation of millions of students. This institutional authority imposes a heightened duty of care. Unlike private publications, errors or insinuations in such textbooks cannot be casually dismissed as opinion; they risk acquiring the character of accepted historical or social truth. Therefore, when individuals or communities allege defamation, the claim cannot be brushed aside under the broad shield of academic autonomy.


Judicial Restraint

However, the Court’s intervention also invites scrutiny. Defamation, as understood in Indian law, requires a false statement made with the intent or likelihood of harming reputation. In the context of historical or sociological content, the threshold becomes far more nuanced. Academic writing often involves interpretation, critique, and even uncomfortable truths. If courts begin to adjudicate the correctness of such interpretations too readily, there is a real danger of creating a chilling effect on scholarship. Authors and institutions may resort to sanitised, non-controversial narratives, ultimately diluting the rigour of education.


The more prudent approach, in my view, lies in distinguishing between demonstrably false assertions and bona fide academic opinion. Where NCERT materials contain verifiable inaccuracies that directly harm identifiable individuals or groups, corrective action is not only justified but necessary. The state cannot be permitted to propagate falsehood under the guise of pedagogy. Yet where the content reflects a reasonable academic perspective, even if contested, judicial restraint becomes equally important.


Institutional Safeguards

Another dimension that cannot be ignored is procedural fairness. The process by which such content is reviewed and altered must be transparent, reasoned, and insulated from political or ideological pressures. If revisions are undertaken merely in response to litigation or public outcry, without a structured academic review, it risks undermining institutional credibility.


The Court, while exercising its jurisdiction, must therefore ensure that it does not inadvertently substitute expert academic evaluation with judicial determination.


This case also highlights the evolving intersection between constitutional values and educational content. Article 19(1)(a) guarantees freedom of speech and expression, which extends to academic discourse. At the same time, this freedom is not absolute and is subject to reasonable restrictions, including defamation. The challenge lies in maintaining a delicate equilibrium, protecting reputations without stifling intellectual inquiry.


It is equally relevant to consider the broader implications of such judicial directions. If every contested paragraph in a textbook becomes a potential subject of litigation, the education system may find itself in a perpetual state of revision. This is neither practical nor desirable. Instead, a robust internal mechanism within NCERT, comprising historians, legal experts, and educators, would be better suited to address such concerns proactively. Judicial intervention should remain a remedy of last resort, not the first port of call.


From a legal standpoint, the Supreme Court’s direction appears to be driven by the principle that state-backed publications must adhere to higher standards of accuracy and fairness. This is a sound proposition. Yet, its application must be carefully calibrated to avoid overreach. Courts are not academic bodies, and their legitimacy in such matters stems from ensuring legality, not determining historical truth.


The issue is not merely about the removal of a particular passage but about setting a precedent for how educational content is governed in a constitutional democracy. The state must ensure that its textbooks are accurate, balanced, and non-defamatory. Simultaneously, the judiciary must exercise restraint, intervening only where there is a clear violation of legal standards. Anything beyond that risks tipping the balance either towards an unchecked state narrative or excessive judicial control, both of which are equally undesirable in a system that values both truth and freedom.


(The writer is the managing partner at KS Legal & Associates. Views personal.)

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