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By:

Akhilesh Sinha

25 June 2025 at 2:53:54 pm

From legacy to leadership

Samrat Choudhary's ascent reflects legacy, caste dynamics, and political shifts Patna:  The rise of Samrat Choudhary in Bihar's political landscape is not merely the story of an individual's success, but a reflection of a long political tradition, evolving social equations, and shifting power dynamics over time. Following his election as the leader of the Bharatiya Janata Party's legislative wing, his elevation to the chief minister's office appears almost certain, which is marking a decisive...

From legacy to leadership

Samrat Choudhary's ascent reflects legacy, caste dynamics, and political shifts Patna:  The rise of Samrat Choudhary in Bihar's political landscape is not merely the story of an individual's success, but a reflection of a long political tradition, evolving social equations, and shifting power dynamics over time. Following his election as the leader of the Bharatiya Janata Party's legislative wing, his elevation to the chief minister's office appears almost certain, which is marking a decisive milestone in a political journey spanning more than three and half decades. Over the years, his political journey traversed multiple parties, including the Congress, Samata Party, Rashtriya Janata Dal, Janata Dal (United), and Hindustani Awam Morcha. His name did surface in a high-profile criminal case in 1995, though he was later acquitted due to lack of evidence. Samrat Choudhary's mother Parvati Devi was also politically active and was elected as an MLA from Tarapur in a 1998 by-election. Among his siblings, Rohit Choudhary is associated with the JD(U) and is active in the education sector, while Dharmendra Choudhary is engaged in social work. His wife, Mamta Kumari, has also been actively involved during election campaigns. The family includes a son Pranay and a daughter Charu Priya. Choudhary entered active politics in 1990, beginning his career with the RJD. In 1999, he became Agriculture Minister in the Rabri Devi government, though his appointment was mired in controversy over his age, eventually forcing him to step down. He later parted ways with the RJD, moved to the JD(U), and ultimately joined the BJP. Since 2018, his stature within the BJP has steadily grown, culminating in his appointment as the party's Bihar state president in 2022. Controversy Man With the beginning of his new innings in the BJP, Choudhary once again found himself in the spotlight, this time over questions surrounding his educational qualifications. Allegations regarding the validity of the degree mentioned in his election affidavit became part of political discourse. The opposition, particularly Prashant Kishor, raised the issue forcefully during the elections. However, the controversy failed to gain substantive traction and remained confined to political rhetoric, with no significant impact on electoral outcomes. Hailing from the Tarapur region of Munger district, Choudhary's identity is deeply rooted in this region. Historically influential, the region has provided a strong social and political base for both him and his family. Belonging to the Kushwaha (Koeri) community, he represents a crucial social base in Bihar's caste equations. This makes his role significant in the 'Lav-Kush' (Kurmi-Koeri) political dynamic that has shaped the state's politics for decades. Sharp Turns Choudhary's political journey has been marked by sharp turns and contradictions. At one stage, he was among the fiercest critics of Nitish Kumar, even declaring that he would not remove his traditional 'Muraitha' (a kind of turban) until Kumar was unseated from power. Yet, as political equations shifted, Choudhary not only consolidated his position within the BJP but also emerged as a key figure in power-sharing arrangements with Nitish Kumar. After 2020, when Sushil Kumar Modi was moved to national politics, new opportunities opened up for Choudhary. He became a member of the Legislative Council, later served as Leader of the Opposition, and eventually rose to become state president. His political stature further expanded when, following Nitish Kumar's return to the NDA, Choudhary was entrusted with the dual roles of Deputy Chief Minister and Home Minister, which is an unprecedented move in Bihar's political framework. Despite his rise, controversies have not been entirely absent from his career. Questions regarding his age and educational qualifications surfaced intermittently, though their long-term political impact remained limited. Today, Samrat Choudhary stands at the center of Bihar's political stage. His ascent is not merely the result of personal ambition but the outcome of a deep political legacy, an understanding of social dynamics, and strong organisational acumen. The real test now lies in how he transforms this legacy into effective governance and development. Strengthening law and order and meeting public expectations will be crucial. The people of Bihar are watching closely, and only time will determine how successfully he rises to the occasion.

NCERT, Defamation and Academic Freedom

When state textbooks face judicial scrutiny

The Supreme Court of India’s recent direction to the National Council of Educational Research and Training (NCERT) to revisit and remove allegedly defamatory content from its textbooks raises a fundamental and somewhat uncomfortable question: where does academic freedom end and reputational harm begin when the state itself is the author of the narrative?


State Responsibility

At the outset, it must be acknowledged that textbooks prescribed by NCERT are not mere academic commentaries; they carry the imprimatur of the state and shape the intellectual foundation of millions of students. This institutional authority imposes a heightened duty of care. Unlike private publications, errors or insinuations in such textbooks cannot be casually dismissed as opinion; they risk acquiring the character of accepted historical or social truth. Therefore, when individuals or communities allege defamation, the claim cannot be brushed aside under the broad shield of academic autonomy.


Judicial Restraint

However, the Court’s intervention also invites scrutiny. Defamation, as understood in Indian law, requires a false statement made with the intent or likelihood of harming reputation. In the context of historical or sociological content, the threshold becomes far more nuanced. Academic writing often involves interpretation, critique, and even uncomfortable truths. If courts begin to adjudicate the correctness of such interpretations too readily, there is a real danger of creating a chilling effect on scholarship. Authors and institutions may resort to sanitised, non-controversial narratives, ultimately diluting the rigour of education.


The more prudent approach, in my view, lies in distinguishing between demonstrably false assertions and bona fide academic opinion. Where NCERT materials contain verifiable inaccuracies that directly harm identifiable individuals or groups, corrective action is not only justified but necessary. The state cannot be permitted to propagate falsehood under the guise of pedagogy. Yet where the content reflects a reasonable academic perspective, even if contested, judicial restraint becomes equally important.


Institutional Safeguards

Another dimension that cannot be ignored is procedural fairness. The process by which such content is reviewed and altered must be transparent, reasoned, and insulated from political or ideological pressures. If revisions are undertaken merely in response to litigation or public outcry, without a structured academic review, it risks undermining institutional credibility.


The Court, while exercising its jurisdiction, must therefore ensure that it does not inadvertently substitute expert academic evaluation with judicial determination.


This case also highlights the evolving intersection between constitutional values and educational content. Article 19(1)(a) guarantees freedom of speech and expression, which extends to academic discourse. At the same time, this freedom is not absolute and is subject to reasonable restrictions, including defamation. The challenge lies in maintaining a delicate equilibrium, protecting reputations without stifling intellectual inquiry.


It is equally relevant to consider the broader implications of such judicial directions. If every contested paragraph in a textbook becomes a potential subject of litigation, the education system may find itself in a perpetual state of revision. This is neither practical nor desirable. Instead, a robust internal mechanism within NCERT, comprising historians, legal experts, and educators, would be better suited to address such concerns proactively. Judicial intervention should remain a remedy of last resort, not the first port of call.


From a legal standpoint, the Supreme Court’s direction appears to be driven by the principle that state-backed publications must adhere to higher standards of accuracy and fairness. This is a sound proposition. Yet, its application must be carefully calibrated to avoid overreach. Courts are not academic bodies, and their legitimacy in such matters stems from ensuring legality, not determining historical truth.


The issue is not merely about the removal of a particular passage but about setting a precedent for how educational content is governed in a constitutional democracy. The state must ensure that its textbooks are accurate, balanced, and non-defamatory. Simultaneously, the judiciary must exercise restraint, intervening only where there is a clear violation of legal standards. Anything beyond that risks tipping the balance either towards an unchecked state narrative or excessive judicial control, both of which are equally undesirable in a system that values both truth and freedom.


(The writer is the managing partner at KS Legal & Associates. Views personal.)

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