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By:

Abhijit Mulye

21 August 2024 at 4:59:11 pm

MLC polls expose cracks in Mahayuti, MVA

AI Generated Image Mumbai: The upcoming Maharashtra Legislative Council (MLC) elections for the graduate and teacher constituencies have laid bare the deep-seated fissures within both the ruling Mahayuti and the opposition Maha Vikas Aghadi (MVA) alliances. In a significant development that could have far-reaching political implications, multiple rebel candidates, including prominent figures with strong party affiliations, have defied alliance dictates to file their nominations as...

MLC polls expose cracks in Mahayuti, MVA

AI Generated Image Mumbai: The upcoming Maharashtra Legislative Council (MLC) elections for the graduate and teacher constituencies have laid bare the deep-seated fissures within both the ruling Mahayuti and the opposition Maha Vikas Aghadi (MVA) alliances. In a significant development that could have far-reaching political implications, multiple rebel candidates, including prominent figures with strong party affiliations, have defied alliance dictates to file their nominations as independents, setting the stage for high-stakes, multi-cornered contests. Mahayuti Turmoil The Mahayuti alliance, comprising the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), the Eknath Shinde-led Shiv Sena, and the Ajit Pawar-led Nationalist Congress Party (NCP), is grappling with rebellion on multiple fronts. In the critical Nagpur Graduates constituency, a traditional BJP stronghold, former BJP MLC and Nagpur Mayor Anil Sole has thrown a spanner in the works by filing his nomination as an independent candidate. This move directly challenges the official BJP candidate, Sudhakar Kohale. While the BJP leadership, including state president Ravindra Chavan, has attempted to downplay the situation, asserting that Sole has been "pacified," the former MLC's actions tell a different story. Sole's decision to contest independently is particularly significant given his long-standing association with the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) and his previous stint as a BJP MLC from the very same constituency. The situation is equally complicated in the Amravati Teachers constituency. The Shiv Sena (Shinde faction) has officially fielded Kiran Sarnaik. However, adding to the confusion, Sangita Shinde, sister of BJP MP Anil Bonde, has also entered the fray, potentially splitting the Mahayuti vote. The opposition MVA is also facing its share of internal discord here. While the Congress has nominated Aditi Pohre, daughter of former minister Harshvardhan Deshmukh, the Shiv Sena (UBT) has fielded Dattatray Lahane. The presence of numerous candidates representing various teachers' organizations further complicates the electoral arithmetic in this constituency. Opposition Rebellion The Chhatrapati Sambhaji Nagar Graduates constituency has witnessed another surprise development. While the NCP's sitting MLC, Satish Chavan, was widely considered the frontrunner, the BJP's M.K. Deshmukh has unexpectedly filed his nomination as a rebel candidate, catching the Mahayuti leadership completely off guard. The MVA, too, is facing rebellion in this constituency. Although the seat was officially allocated to the NCP (Sharad Pawar faction), Shiv Sena (UBT)'s Dilip Ghuge has also filed his nomination, causing significant heartburn within the opposition alliance. The Pune constituencies present a microcosm of the larger alliance troubles. In the Pune Graduates constituency, the BJP has fielded Dr. Smita Jadhav, the daughter-in-law of Pratap Singh Jadhav, owner of the 'Pudhari' news group and niece of Congress leader Satej Patil. Adding intrigue to this contest is the fact that she is contesting against Harshada Deshmukh-Jadhav, the official candidate of the NCP (Sharad Pawar faction). However, the real drama is unfolding in the Pune Teachers constituency. The BJP's official candidate, Koustubh Gawde, is facing a formidable challenge from Mangesh Chiwate, a close confidant of Chief Minister Eknath Shinde. Chiwate, a former journalist who handled the CM's medical aid cell while Shinde was the CM, has claimed that his party leadership has provided him with the crucial 'AB' form, signaling official backing. Commenting on the chaotic situation, Chief Minister Devendra Fadnavis acknowledged that seat-sharing talks remained inconclusive in some areas but expressed hope that the alliance partners would eventually reach an agreement. The true picture of the electoral battlefield will only emerge after Friday, October 9th, the last date for the withdrawal of nominations. Until then, both alliances will be working overtime to contain the rebellions and present a united front, but the deep cracks exposed by these developments suggest that the upcoming MLC elections will be fiercely contested and highly unpredictable.

Our Devatas Are Not Your Metaphors

Aug 20
5 min read

India’s sacred traditions deserve to be understood on their own terms and not reduced to fashionable intellectual provocations or political props.

An intricate stone carving of  Lord Kartikeya (Murugan), on his divine peacock vehicle (Paravani) at the historic Brihadisvara Temple in Thanjavur.
An intricate stone carving of Lord Kartikeya (Murugan), on his divine peacock vehicle (Paravani) at the historic Brihadisvara Temple in Thanjavur.

India recently commemorated 80 years of independence from British rule. However, it is pertinent to question whether our indigenous traditions, civilizational memory, and Devatas, the Hindu deities of Bharat, have truly achieved freedom. Specifically, freedom from misrepresentation, ridicule, abuse, and intellectual intimidation remains elusive. Under the guise of "freedom of expression," certain authors and self-proclaimed intellectuals assert the right to mock, distort, and vilify what millions consider sacred. What is often presented as progressive thought may devolve into the arrogance of neo-self-colonized individuals, who perceive themselves as uniquely enlightened and thus entitled to define, dissect, and demean traditions they scarcely comprehend. While political freedom was attained in 1947, intellectual freedom for our civilizational consciousness remains incomplete. Our Devatas merit understanding, not contempt masquerading as scholarship or courage.


It is crucial for individuals identifying as Bhaaratiya to prioritize understanding Bharat from its own perspective, rather than through the frameworks of modern ideologies. Engaging with its cultural history should not be perceived as an exploration of obsolete customs, but rather as an appreciation of the living essence of this land. Key inquiries include: How does Bharat conceptualize the sacred? What is the nature of Brahman? How do Indians perceive life, duty, consciousness, and the relationship between humans and the divine? Addressing these questions is essential for comprehending the essence of this civilization. However, certain self-identified intellectuals neglect this endeavor. For example, when the Prime Minister mentioned “dimagi Naxals,” Devdutt Pattanaik referenced Bhagavan Kartikeya, the son of Shiva, in a satirical Facebook post. The relevance of a contemporary political statement to Bhagavan Kartikeya is questionable. Why was the Devata invoked in this political context? This exemplifies a broader issue: sacred figures are often incorporated into modern debates without adequate consideration of their theological and civilizational importance. This practice does not reflect a profound understanding of Bharat, but rather a tendency to employ Bharat’s Devatas as metaphors for convenience.


Questionable Purpose

The troubling aspect of this satire lies in the remarkable transformation of “Dimagi Naxal” into a “Shiva-bhakta,” the association of “Naxal” with Kartikeya, the invocation of Naxaleshwar Mahadeva, and the eventual inclusion of Bhagavan Kartikeya, the son of Shiva, in a contemporary political discourse. The intellectual purpose of this exercise is questionable. The Prime Minister's mention of “dimagi Naxals” was situated within a clear contemporary political context, and the inclusion of Kartikeya neither enhances understanding nor provides intellectual clarity. Historically, the term ‘Naxal’ originates from Naxalbari and the Naxalite movement that began there in 1967, unrelated to Kartikeya or any sacred grass tradition. Consequently, the argument conflates linguistic wordplay, mythology, folklore, and political history into a singular joke, presenting the resultant confusion as intellectual sophistication. If such a statement is intended to insult or offend religious sentiments, determining whether an offense falls under Sections 299 or 302 of the Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita, 2023, would depend on the statutory requirements of intent and specific facts. However, a broader question arises: why must a Hindu deity be involved in every political disagreement? A Kannada saying, "ಕೆಲಸವಿಲ್ಲದ ಬಡಗಿ ಮುಕುಳಿ ಕೆತ್ತಿದ" (when a carpenter lacks meaningful work, he carves whatever is at hand, even an ass), aptly describes the absurdity of creating unnecessary tasks in the absence of substantial work. This prompts the question of whether this is what we are witnessing: in the absence of a substantive political argument, even Bhagavan Kartikeya becomes material for an elaborate wordplay. The Naxalite movement had a distinct political ideology and historical agenda; transforming its name into an etymological fantasy does not render the argument profound. It merely illustrates how a sacred figure can be appropriated when the aim is to manufacture cleverness rather than engage seriously with the political issue or the civilizational tradition being referenced.


Casual Irreverence

To genuinely express love for India, it is imperative to liberate its Devatas from the influence of neo-self-colonised individuals who perceive the mockery of Hindu sacred figures as a demonstration of intellectual superiority. Some may believe that by ridiculing Hindu Devatas, they are appeasing certain societal factions or proving their ‘progressiveness’ to intellectual peers. However, it is worth questioning whether our Devatas are so trivial that they can be utilized as props for political jokes, ideological debates, or artistic provocations. The Naxalite insurgency in India exacted a cost beyond ideology; numerous security personnel sacrificed their lives combating armed Maoist violence within the nation. Yet, we now witness intellectual exercises where the term “Naxal” is divorced from its political context and used as a pretext to invoke Bhagavan Kartikeya. It is hoped that the younger generation in India will cultivate independent thought rather than outsourcing their intellectual curiosity to popular authors. The recent controversy in Kolkata concerning a theatrical portrayal of Goddess Kali - where objections from viewers and netizens led to an apology from the troupe - raises a pertinent question: is this the manner in which we wish to represent our Devatas? Would we so readily transform the central sacred figures of Judaism, Christianity, or Islam into theatrical props, political metaphors, and subjects of ridicule? If not, why should Hindu Devatas be expected to endure what others would deem unacceptable when directed at their own sacred traditions?


Many Hindus who venerate Bhagavan Kartikeya may experience distress or offense due to satire; however, it is unlikely that the majority will immediately resort to legal action. Hindu society can be likened to an elephant that continues its path despite the distractions around it. Devotees often exhibit patience, absorbing insults while maintaining their devotion. This patience should not be misconstrued as indifference. There are also Hindus who are aware of the long-term implications of consistently reducing their deities to mere metaphors, caricatures, and political symbols. They recognize that seemingly minor acts of ridicule can gradually normalize a culture where Hindu sacredness is perceived as readily available for public consumption. It is imperative for independent India to first respect Hindu traditions, believers, and their legitimate interpretations of their sacred world. Instances of even minor misrepresentations of Abrahamic religious traditions in popular media often provoke widespread outrage, media scrutiny, and institutional responses.


The central issue is not whether every Hindu must be perpetually offended, nor whether humour or criticism should be prohibited. A mature civilization can accommodate disagreement, satire, and even sharp criticism. The pertinent question is whether intellectual standards are applied consistently. If a community's sacred figures are repeatedly targeted because they are perceived as safe, while other traditions are approached with greater caution, this does not constitute equality of expression; rather, it reflects an unequal cultural expectation. Hindu society should not be compelled to demonstrate its tolerance by silently accepting every distortion of its sacred traditions. Respect does not imply immunity from criticism; it entails acknowledging that the individuals being discussed possess a legitimate voice, memory, and understanding of their own Devatas, and this voice cannot perpetually be dismissed as mere “claims of misrepresentation.”


Conversely, when the sentiments of an ordinary Hindu are hurt, there is often an expectation for them to simply dismiss it as humour. This raises the question: does fostering an inferiority complex among Hindu believers confer intellectual superiority? It does not. For India to achieve true intellectual freedom, it must abandon the presumption that Hindu sacred traditions require constant reinterpretation by external observers. Hindu deities should be liberated from casual interpretations, caricatures, and ideological appropriation. Before discussing the liberation of Hindu temples, it is crucial to first liberate Hindu deities from the burden of external metaphors.


(The writer is a Bengaluru-based author and scholar. Views personal.)

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