top of page

By:

Rajendra Joshi

3 December 2024 at 3:50:26 am

Controversy over shifting plot

Questions over corporation’s plan to abandon self-owned piece of land    Ruparani Nikam Kolhapur: A fresh controversy has surfaced over the proposed construction of the Kolhapur Municipal Corporation’s (KMC) new administrative building, with questions being raised over the apparent shift from a prime, self-owned plot at Nirmal Chowk to an alternative site at Shendapark.   The civic body, which has been functioning out of the historic Gandhi Market building since its days as a nagarpalika...

Controversy over shifting plot

Questions over corporation’s plan to abandon self-owned piece of land    Ruparani Nikam Kolhapur: A fresh controversy has surfaced over the proposed construction of the Kolhapur Municipal Corporation’s (KMC) new administrative building, with questions being raised over the apparent shift from a prime, self-owned plot at Nirmal Chowk to an alternative site at Shendapark.   The civic body, which has been functioning out of the historic Gandhi Market building since its days as a nagarpalika during the princely era, was upgraded to a municipal corporation in 1972. However, despite a significant expansion in its administrative scope over the decades, the KMC has yet to acquire a modern, purpose-built headquarters. At the centre of the present debate is a 9-acre-36-guntha plot at Nirmal Chowk considerably larger than the five-acre Shendapark site now being proposed.   The Nirmal Chowk land has long been in the corporation’s possession, and even a property card had been issued following the resolution of disputes by the district administration. Despite this, the civic body has now indicated that the new headquarters will be constructed at Shendapark, prompting questions over the rationale behind abandoning a larger, strategically located plot.   Complicating matters further is a prolonged legal dispute over the Nirmal Chowk land. While the preparation of a property card typically nullifies the relevance of the 7/12 extract under Maharashtra land records, claims based on the latter continued to surface, with some parties asserting ownership and keeping the dispute alive.   Critics allege that the civic administration failed to pursue the case with due diligence, at times remaining absent during key hearings. It was only after an intervention through a separate petition filed by Dilip Desai of a local civic group that the matter regained traction. The case is now slated for hearing before the Kolhapur circuit bench of the Bombay High Court in June.   Observers argue that instead of strengthening its legal position and securing the valuable land estimated to be worth around Rs 40 crore the KMC appears to have shifted focus to the Shendapark site. This, they say, raises concerns about the intent behind the change in location.   Notably, as far back as December 2003, the corporation had organised an architectural design competition for constructing a modern headquarters at Nirmal Chowk. A contemporary design was finalised, but the project has seen little progress in over two decades.   In contrast, several municipal corporations across Maharashtra have since developed modern administrative complexes, while Kolhapur continues to operate out of cramped premises in Gandhi Market, with even council proceedings often conducted under space constraints. Civic activists contend that had the KMC pursued the Nirmal Chowk project with consistency and resolved legal hurdles in time, the city would not have risked losing control over a high-value public asset.   With the shift to Shendapark now underway, concerns are also being voiced about the future of other public spaces in the city. Activists warn that if such decisions go unchallenged, it could set a precedent affecting open spaces in urban layouts.   The controversy has triggered demands for greater transparency and accountability in the civic body’s land-use decisions, with residents seeking clear answers on why the original site was sidelined and who stands to benefit from the change.

How Demonetisation Hit the Red Corridor

While Dhurandhar 2 dramatises a fake-currency crackdown, the real 2016 shock may have struck far deeper — at the cash lifeline of India’s Maoist insurgency.

In the 2026 blockbuster Dhurandhar 2: The Revenge, director Aditya Dhar stages a sequence that has already become a cultural talking point. Using actual footage of the 2016 demonetisation announcement, the film depicts a Rs 60,000 crore fake-currency racket aimed at destabilising Indian elections, collapsing in a single night. But while Dhurandhar 2 keeps its focus on counterfeit syndicates and urban kingpins, the real-world “strategic masterstroke” may have hit a far more dangerous target: the financial heart of Naxalism.


Beyond Pashupati to Tirupati

For decades, the “Red Corridor” was a chilling reality — a belt of insurgent influence stretching, in popular shorthand, from Pashupati in Nepal to Tirupati in Andhra Pradesh. It functioned like a shadow state, openly challenging the authority of the Indian Constitution. But after 2016, the corridor did not merely crack; it began to recede. Government data for 2025–26 points to what officials describe as an “irreversible decline”, with the number of most-affected districts falling from 36 in 2014 to just two by March 2026. This retreat was driven by several factors, but it was undeniably accelerated by a sudden and devastating cash crunch.


Turning Paper into Trash

Naxalism was never just an ideology; it was also a cash-dependent insurgency. Intelligence assessments suggest that the CPI (Maoist) collected hundreds of crores annually through so-called “revolutionary taxes” levied on mining contractors, tendu leaf traders and infrastructure projects. Much of this money was reportedly held in physical cash, largely in ₹500 and ₹1,000 notes. That liquidity enabled cash-based procurement of arms, explosives and IED components, funded monthly stipends for full-time cadres and their families, and sustained an extensive network of urban informants.


Then came the rupture. Overnight, large parts of that underground cash economy were either frozen, exposed or rendered unusable. The most immediate blow was the disruption of the insurgents’ procurement cycle. Unable to finance arms, ammunition or logistics as easily as before, Maoist units were increasingly pushed into a defensive posture. By 2024–25, this financial squeeze appears to have contributed to a sharp rise in surrenders. More than 1,600 cadres laid down their arms in 2025 alone – a stark sign that an insurgency unable to feed its fighters or maintain its supply lines is already in decline.


The clearest confirmation came from within. Mallojula Venugopal Rao, better known as Bhupati – a senior CPI (Maoist) leader, Politburo member and brother of the late Kishenji – surrendered in Gadchiroli in October 2025. In interviews aired the following year, he acknowledged that Maoist rhetoric had diverged sharply from ground reality and identified demonetisation as a major financial blow. He said large amounts of cash could not be exchanged. According to Bhupati, his division alone had lost an estimated Rs 20–30 crore, gutting reserves that had long financed Maoist operations.


The ultimate legacy of demonetisation in the Red Corridor may have been not just financial ruin but psychological collapse. Once the money dried up, trust between the commanders and the cadre began to fracture. Bhupati’s surrender, along with 60 of his associates, symbolised that deeper implosion: the “Red Dream” became far harder to sustain when the cash stopped flowing.


Dhurandhar 2 may dramatise the end of fake currency, but the real story is larger. In the real world, the 2016 move appears to have dealt a blow far beyond counterfeit networks, forcing hardened insurgents to confront the gap between revolutionary rhetoric and mainstream reality. By April 2026, as the government pushes its “Naxal Mukt Bharat” narrative, one conclusion stands out: this was a conflict shaped not only by bullets but also by the sudden destruction of underground wealth.


(The writer is a brand strategist and a political commentator. Views personal.)

Comments

bottom of page