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By:

Abhijit Mulye

21 August 2024 at 11:29:11 am

Shinde dilutes demand

Likely to be content with Deputy Mayor’s post in Mumbai Mumbai: In a decisive shift that redraws the power dynamics of Maharashtra’s urban politics, the standoff over the prestigious Mumbai Mayor’s post has ended with a strategic compromise. Following days of resort politics and intense backroom negotiations, the Eknath Shinde-led Shiv Sena has reportedly diluted its demand for the top job in the Brihanmumbai Municipal Corporation (BMC), settling instead for the Deputy Mayor’s post. This...

Shinde dilutes demand

Likely to be content with Deputy Mayor’s post in Mumbai Mumbai: In a decisive shift that redraws the power dynamics of Maharashtra’s urban politics, the standoff over the prestigious Mumbai Mayor’s post has ended with a strategic compromise. Following days of resort politics and intense backroom negotiations, the Eknath Shinde-led Shiv Sena has reportedly diluted its demand for the top job in the Brihanmumbai Municipal Corporation (BMC), settling instead for the Deputy Mayor’s post. This development, confirmed by high-ranking party insiders, follows the realization that the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) effectively ceded its claims on the Kalyan-Dombivali Municipal Corporation (KDMC) to protect the alliance, facilitating a “Mumbai for BJP, Kalyan for Shinde” power-sharing formula. The compromise marks a complete role reversal between the BJP and the Shiv Sena. Both the political parties were in alliance with each other for over 25 years before 2017 civic polls. Back then the BJP used to get the post of Deputy Mayor while the Shiv Sena always enjoyed the mayor’s position. In 2017 a surging BJP (82 seats) had paused its aggression to support the undivided Shiv Sena (84 seats), preferring to be out of power in the Corporation to keep the saffron alliance intact. Today, the numbers dictate a different reality. In the recently concluded elections BJP emerged as the single largest party in Mumbai with 89 seats, while the Shinde faction secured 29. Although the Shinde faction acted as the “kingmaker”—pushing the alliance past the majority mark of 114—the sheer numerical gap made their claim to the mayor’s post untenable in the long run. KDMC Factor The catalyst for this truce lies 40 kilometers north of Mumbai in Kalyan-Dombivali, a region considered the impregnable fortress of Eknath Shinde and his son, MP Shrikant Shinde. While the BJP performed exceptionally well in KDMC, winning 50 seats compared to the Shinde faction’s 53, the lotter for the reservation of mayor’s post in KDMC turned the tables decisively in favor of Shiv Sena there. In the lottery, the KDMC mayor’ post went to be reserved for the Scheduled Tribe candidate. The BJP doesn’t have any such candidate among elected corporatros in KDMC. This cleared the way for Shiv Sena. Also, the Shiv Sena tied hands with the MNS in the corporation effectively weakening the Shiv Sena (UBT)’s alliance with them. Party insiders suggest that once it became clear the BJP would not pursue the KDMC Mayor’s chair—effectively acknowledging it as Shinde’s fiefdom—he agreed to scale down his demands in the capital. “We have practically no hope of installing a BJP Mayor in Kalyan-Dombivali without shattering the alliance locally,” a Mumbai BJP secretary admitted and added, “Letting the KDMC become Shinde’s home turf is the price for securing the Mumbai Mayor’s bungalow for a BJP corporator for the first time in history.” The formal elections for the Mayoral posts are scheduled for later this month. While the opposition Maharashtra Vikas Aghadi (MVA)—led by the Shiv Sena (UBT)—has vowed to field candidates, the arithmetic heavily favors the ruling alliance. For Eknath Shinde, accepting the Deputy Mayor’s post in Mumbai is a tactical retreat. It allows him to consolidate his power in the MMR belt (Thane and Kalyan) while remaining a partner in Mumbai’s governance. For the BJP, this is a crowning moment; after playing second fiddle in the BMC for decades, they are poised to finally install their own “First Citizen” of Mumbai.

Paralysed Governance

Updated: Feb 18, 2025

For a party that boasts of political dominance across the country, the imposition of President’s Rule in Manipur is a striking admission of failure on the BJP’s part. That a BJP-led state administration had to be suspended under Article 356 - a measure usually deployed when opposition parties are in power - exposes the paralysis within the party’s local leadership and its inability to govern effectively in one of India’s most volatile regions.


Manipur has been in turmoil for over two years, caught in the grip of ethnic violence between the Meitei and Kuki-Zo communities that has left hundreds dead and thousands displaced. Yet, the BJP, both at the Centre and in the state, seemed incapable of dousing the flames or commanding the confidence of its own legislators. Instead of resolving the crisis politically, the state deteriorated into dysfunction. The resignation of Chief Minister N. Biren Singh amid accusations of instigating violence and increasing intra-party dissidence was the tipping point. The failure to appoint a successor in time meant that the state assembly could not be convened before the six-month constitutional deadline, forcing New Delhi’s hand.


This marks the 11th time since 1951 that President’s Rule has been imposed in Manipur. But unlike past instances, this time it is not the opposition’s alleged misrule that is being punished. Rather, it is the BJP’s internal disarray, an embarrassing reflection of its inability to handle political management despite a third term at the Centre. That RSS chief Mohan Bhagwat, the party’s ideological mentor, had publicly admonished the Modi government last year for its inaction underscores the gravity of this failure.


The consequences of this political vacuum are significant. For one, the Centre’s direct rule might further alienate Manipur’s people, particularly in the context of ethnic hostilities that have already tested their faith in the state and national governments. The BJP, which won a resounding mandate in February 2022, is now left facing a rebellion from its own ranks.


Yet, Biren’s resignation has not led to a smooth transition. The BJP’s inability to select a new leader exposed a faction-ridden party. At this critical time, Prime Minister Modi is abroad, having visited France and now, is touring the U.S.


For the Congress, which has been demanding Biren Singh’s resignation for nearly two years, this is a moment of vindication. But the deeper issue remains: why did it take so long for action to be taken? Home Minister Amit Shah, entrusted by Modi to manage the crisis, has failed spectacularly. The delay in intervention only deepened the wounds, both political and communal.


Manipur’s latest brush with President’s Rule does not signal an end to its troubles. The ethnic tensions that triggered the violence remains unresolved and any return to democratic rule will require both political consensus and public trust, both of which are lamentably in short supply. The BJP’s grip over the northeast appears to be loosening. It faces the stark choice of either rallying behind a new leader capable of stabilizing the state or risk losing its grip altogether. Given the BJP’s track record so far, the latter appears more likely.

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