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By:

Quaid Najmi

4 January 2025 at 8:56:24 pm

‘Save Sharia’ campaign feeds Hindutva politics

Mumbai: Prominent Muslims and others have slammed the All India Muslim Personal Law Board’s ‘Save India, Save Sharia’ nationwide campaign, alleging that it could deepen polarization while willy-nilly supporting the very forces the AIMPLB claims to oppose. Launched on Sep. 17 – coinciding with Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s 76th birthday – the AIMPLB’s 3-month-long campaign is aimed at mobilizing public opinion around protecting the Constitutional rights, preserving the Muslim Personal Law...

‘Save Sharia’ campaign feeds Hindutva politics

Mumbai: Prominent Muslims and others have slammed the All India Muslim Personal Law Board’s ‘Save India, Save Sharia’ nationwide campaign, alleging that it could deepen polarization while willy-nilly supporting the very forces the AIMPLB claims to oppose. Launched on Sep. 17 – coinciding with Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s 76th birthday – the AIMPLB’s 3-month-long campaign is aimed at mobilizing public opinion around protecting the Constitutional rights, preserving the Muslim Personal Law within the framework of safeguarding India’s pluralistic and democratic character. The AIMPLB leaders said they are soliciting support of people, intellectuals, activists, social and religious organisations who value justice, democracy, peace and the Constitution, to strengthen constitutional supremacy, the rule of law, justice and equality, religious freedom, social harmony and national unity. Around 100 progressive Muslim and non-Muslim intellectuals, activists, organisations and supporters have warned that what the AIMPLB presents as a defence of constitutional rights, religious freedom and Muslim identity "could deepen divisions, and may provide political ammunition to right-wing forces". The progressive have accused AIMPLB of selectively invoking Art. 25-30 of the Constitution related to Religious Freedom, while ignoring that these rights are explicitly subject to public order, morality, and health. Moreover, they conveniently bypass Articles 14 and 15, which guarantee equality before the law and prohibit sex or religion-based discrimination. “Following the 2024 Lok Sabha elections where civil society and opposition parties rallied under 'Save the Constitution', the AIMPLB's campaign inadvertently gave the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and the Sangh Parivar a platform to posture as defenders of constitutional norms. Ahead of crucial state assembly elections, this campaign reinforces false narratives and fuels propaganda that Indian Muslims reject the law of the land,” said the intellectuals. They pointed out how the so-called ‘God-given Shariat Law’ in India is nothing but man-made personal laws and ‘male interpreted patriarchal interpretations’, defended by the AIMPLB. In its September 2016 Supreme Court affidavit in the Triple Talaq case (Sayara Bano v/s. Union of India), the AIMPLB’s affidavit claimed divorce rights belong primarily to husbands because men allegedly possess ‘greater power of decision-making’ and ‘control emotions’. It even argued that without a quick separation option, a husband ‘may resort to illegal, criminal ways of murdering or burning her alive’ - a disturbing rationalization of domestic violence. Claiming these laws are divine, the AIMPLB admitted that “India is a patriarchal society, and therefore personal laws of all communities are aligned with the patriarchal notion...” The progressives countered that Muslim-majority nations globally including Pakistan, Bangladesh, Tunisia and Morocco have codified and reformed personal laws to protect women's rights. “Millions of Muslims live in secular democratic nations with uniform family codes without putting ‘Islam in danger’. The Muslim community’s current legal predicament in India is the direct result of the AIMPLB and conservative leaders failing to proactively reform and codify Muslim Personal Law,” said the progressives sharply. They said that genuine family law reform must guarantee Muslim women equal rights regarding minimum marriage age, abolition of polygamy, mutual divorce, equal inheritance, child custody, adoption, and a ban on female genital mutilation and halala. While secular political parties rarely support the rights of Muslim women, the BJP and the Hindu Right wing do so with an obvious motive: ‘communal polarization’, said the progressives. “The sangh parivar sheds crocodile tears for Muslim women while ignoring relentless hate speech (Love Jihad, Land Jihad…) and hate crimes like mob lynching, bulldozing homes, demolishing mosques or economic boycotts, with chants of ‘Jai Shri Ram’ to intimidate and strike fear. This accompanies state actions targeting Muslims: Waqf Amendment Act, draconian anti-conversion laws, and a weaponised SIR (Special Intensive Revision of Electoral Rolls) to disenfranchise vast sections of the electorate,” they averred. The progressives have sought the active involvement of all enlightened forces, civil society organisations and secular political parties to ensure that the demand for a gender-just, religion-neutral Uniform Civil Code is rooted in equality and human rights, rather than weaponized for communal division. Among the signatories to the appeal are: Naseeruddin Shah, Amol Palekar, Zeenat Shaukat Ali, Anand Patwardhan, Sultan Shaheen, Teesta Setalvad, Ram Puniyani, Tushar Gandhi, Mallika Sarabhai, Ratna Pathak, Feroze Mithiborwala, Anita Cheria, Zakia Soman, Jyothi Yedulla, Noorjehan S. Niaz, Madhu Bhaduri, et al.

Patronage and Fall

Mar 27
3 min read

For years, Rupali Chakankar embodied a certain kind of political ascent common to regional satraps: loyal, organisationally useful, and closely aligned with the power centre of her party – first, the undivided Nationalist Congress Party (NCP) and later the NCP faction led by the late Ajit Pawar.


Her journey, from a Pune-based party worker to chairperson of the Maharashtra State Commission for Women, was less a story of ideological crusade than of careful navigation within a party defined by hierarchy and factional loyalty.


Born in 1982 in Pune, Chakankar built her political career not through electoral prominence but through the party apparatus. She rose steadily within the NCP, eventually becoming president of its women’s wing, a position that placed her at the heart of mobilisation efforts and intra-party patronage networks. Her proximity to Ajit Pawar’s camp after the NCP split in 2023 and his consolidation of a rival faction, made her one of the more visible female faces of the party’s organisational structure.


In Maharashtra’s political ecosystem, women’s wings are not merely symbolic appendages but instruments of outreach, mobilisation and loyalty-building. Chakankar proved adept at this. She became a familiar presence at party events, advocacy campaigns, and state-level initiatives on women’s issues. Her appointment as chairperson of the Maharashtra State Commission for Women in 2021 (and her reappointment in 2024) was widely seen as a reward for this organisational utility.


Yet her rise also attracted murmurs of discontent within the party. Rivals complained of favouritism and the concentration of posts in a single individual. Critics within the NCP accused the leadership of sidelining other women leaders in favour of Chakankar, underscoring a broader complaint about centralised decision-making in Ajit Pawar’s faction. Such barely contained tensions hinted at the fragility of her standing. That fragility has now been exposed.


The scandal involving Ashok Kharat that has shaken Maharashtra has not only ended Chakankar’s tenure as women’s commission chief but also thrown into question the very logic of her elevation. Kharat’s arrest on charges of sexual assault and exploitation triggered a political storm. As images emerged of Chakankar participating in rituals with him and reports surfaced of her association with institutions linked to him. the contradiction became untenable.


Her resignation, reportedly at the behest of Chief Minister Devendra Fadnavis, was swift. But the speed of her exit only highlighted how conditional her authority had always been. In systems built on patronage, legitimacy is borrowed from those who confer power and withdrawn just as quickly when it becomes inconvenient.


The political fallout has been immediate. Within the NCP, already grappling with leadership flux after Ajit Pawar’s death, Chakankar’s controversy has become a test of credibility for the new leadership under Sunetra Pawar. Party workers and observers alike have called for decisive action to restore the party’s image, with Chakankar’s case seen as emblematic of a wider reputational crisis.


Her future within the party remains uncertain. The very attributes that enabled her rise - visibility, proximity to leadership, concentration of roles - have made her a liability in scandal. But to treat Chakankar’s fall as merely personal is to miss the institutional indictment it represents.


Women’s commissions in India occupy an ambiguous space: formally independent, yet often politically appointed; tasked with safeguarding rights, yet structurally dependent on the state. Their effectiveness relies less on statutory power than on moral authority. Chakankar’s tenure, culminating in this controversy, illustrates how easily that authority can erode when appointments are driven by political calculus rather than credibility. The head of a women’s rights body cannot afford even the perception of proximity to individuals accused of exploiting women. In such roles, symbolism is substance.


There is also a deeper irony. Chakankar’s career was built on the language of advocating empowerment for women, mobilising support, and amplifying grievances. Yet the structure that elevated her was one in which power flowed downward from party leadership, not upward from public trust. When that structure faltered, so did her position.


When the head of a women’s commission is undone by associations that strike at the heart of that institution’s mandate, the damage extends beyond an individual career. It corrodes public faith.


In the end, Chakankar’s story is less about a single scandal than about a political culture.

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