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By:

Bhalchandra Chorghade

11 August 2025 at 7:24:18 pm

CIDCO struggles to find takers for its homes

Mumbai: The City and Industrial Development Corporation’s (CIDCO) latest housing scheme has exposed a recurring challenge for the planning authority: finding buyers for its large housing inventory despite its affordable-housing focus. The August 2026 scheme offered 4,793 homes in Taloja, Kharghar and Kalamboli and received 4,180 confirmed applications before bookings closed on September 3. While CIDCO described the response as strong, 613 homes—nearly 13 per cent of the inventory—had no...

CIDCO struggles to find takers for its homes

Mumbai: The City and Industrial Development Corporation’s (CIDCO) latest housing scheme has exposed a recurring challenge for the planning authority: finding buyers for its large housing inventory despite its affordable-housing focus. The August 2026 scheme offered 4,793 homes in Taloja, Kharghar and Kalamboli and received 4,180 confirmed applications before bookings closed on September 3. While CIDCO described the response as strong, 613 homes—nearly 13 per cent of the inventory—had no confirmed applicant. This follows earlier schemes with similar gaps. In January 2025, CIDCO’s ‘My Preferred Home’ scheme, offering around 26,000 homes across Navi Mumbai, attracted 1.36 lakh initial applications. However, only about 55,000 applicants paid the registration fee and around 22,000 deposited the required earnest money, leaving serious participation below the number of homes offered. A CAG-linked report on two CIDCO housing schemes in Kharghar found that, of 4,814 saleable tenements, allotment letters had been issued to 3,733 applicants and possession handed over to 3,317. Four years after the draw, 1,081 tenements remained unsold. CIDCO has also faced scrutiny over marketing expenditure. In 2023, reports questioned the appointment of private agencies to market and allot PMAY homes, stating that the agencies had received advances of more than Rs 100 crore before sales took place. CIDCO officials said external support was necessary given the scale of the programme. The scale of investment adds to the concern. CIDCO’s mass-housing programme envisaged 68,515 homes at an estimated cost of around Rs 15,300 crore. A 2024 report noted that thousands of completed homes were awaiting sale, locking up capital and increasing the authority’s financial burden. The latest homes are located in Taloja Sector 39, Kalamboli Bus Depot and Kharghar Bus Depot. Taloja accounts for 4,229 homes, followed by 257 in Kalamboli and 293 in Kharghar. Indicative prices range from around Rs 23.50 lakh in Taloja to Rs 37.70 lakh in Kalamboli and Rs 43.50 lakh in Kharghar. The figures point to a possible mismatch between what CIDCO considers affordable and what its target buyers can finance. Industry experts have noted that EWS homes priced at Rs 25 lakh or more may be difficult for households within the prescribed income ceiling, particularly after registration, stamp duty, floor-rise charges and other costs. Location may also influence demand. Taloja has seen rapid development and improved connectivity, including metro access, but buyers continue to weigh its distance from established employment centres and social infrastructure, as well as commuting costs. CIDCO maintains that its housing programme meets a genuine need in Navi Mumbai. Ashwin Mudgal, Vice Chairman and Managing Director, CIDCO, said, “The overwhelming response to the housing scheme reflects the aspirations of citizens to own a home in Navi Mumbai and their continued confidence in CIDCO’s planned development initiatives. CIDCO remains committed to providing affordable and quality housing opportunities in well-planned locations, enabling citizens to benefit from the region’s growing infrastructure and connectivity.” The authority has also highlighted the Pradhan Mantri Awas Yojana-Urban (PMAY-U) subsidy, under which eligible beneficiaries can receive Rs 2.5 lakh, subject to applicable guidelines and eligibility criteria. However, the repeated unsold inventory suggests that CIDCO’s challenge extends beyond construction. Pricing, apartment configurations, location, payment flexibility and connectivity may need to be reassessed before further public resources are committed.

Patronage and Fall

For years, Rupali Chakankar embodied a certain kind of political ascent common to regional satraps: loyal, organisationally useful, and closely aligned with the power centre of her party – first, the undivided Nationalist Congress Party (NCP) and later the NCP faction led by the late Ajit Pawar.


Her journey, from a Pune-based party worker to chairperson of the Maharashtra State Commission for Women, was less a story of ideological crusade than of careful navigation within a party defined by hierarchy and factional loyalty.


Born in 1982 in Pune, Chakankar built her political career not through electoral prominence but through the party apparatus. She rose steadily within the NCP, eventually becoming president of its women’s wing, a position that placed her at the heart of mobilisation efforts and intra-party patronage networks. Her proximity to Ajit Pawar’s camp after the NCP split in 2023 and his consolidation of a rival faction, made her one of the more visible female faces of the party’s organisational structure.


In Maharashtra’s political ecosystem, women’s wings are not merely symbolic appendages but instruments of outreach, mobilisation and loyalty-building. Chakankar proved adept at this. She became a familiar presence at party events, advocacy campaigns, and state-level initiatives on women’s issues. Her appointment as chairperson of the Maharashtra State Commission for Women in 2021 (and her reappointment in 2024) was widely seen as a reward for this organisational utility.


Yet her rise also attracted murmurs of discontent within the party. Rivals complained of favouritism and the concentration of posts in a single individual. Critics within the NCP accused the leadership of sidelining other women leaders in favour of Chakankar, underscoring a broader complaint about centralised decision-making in Ajit Pawar’s faction. Such barely contained tensions hinted at the fragility of her standing. That fragility has now been exposed.


The scandal involving Ashok Kharat that has shaken Maharashtra has not only ended Chakankar’s tenure as women’s commission chief but also thrown into question the very logic of her elevation. Kharat’s arrest on charges of sexual assault and exploitation triggered a political storm. As images emerged of Chakankar participating in rituals with him and reports surfaced of her association with institutions linked to him. the contradiction became untenable.


Her resignation, reportedly at the behest of Chief Minister Devendra Fadnavis, was swift. But the speed of her exit only highlighted how conditional her authority had always been. In systems built on patronage, legitimacy is borrowed from those who confer power and withdrawn just as quickly when it becomes inconvenient.


The political fallout has been immediate. Within the NCP, already grappling with leadership flux after Ajit Pawar’s death, Chakankar’s controversy has become a test of credibility for the new leadership under Sunetra Pawar. Party workers and observers alike have called for decisive action to restore the party’s image, with Chakankar’s case seen as emblematic of a wider reputational crisis.


Her future within the party remains uncertain. The very attributes that enabled her rise - visibility, proximity to leadership, concentration of roles - have made her a liability in scandal. But to treat Chakankar’s fall as merely personal is to miss the institutional indictment it represents.


Women’s commissions in India occupy an ambiguous space: formally independent, yet often politically appointed; tasked with safeguarding rights, yet structurally dependent on the state. Their effectiveness relies less on statutory power than on moral authority. Chakankar’s tenure, culminating in this controversy, illustrates how easily that authority can erode when appointments are driven by political calculus rather than credibility. The head of a women’s rights body cannot afford even the perception of proximity to individuals accused of exploiting women. In such roles, symbolism is substance.


There is also a deeper irony. Chakankar’s career was built on the language of advocating empowerment for women, mobilising support, and amplifying grievances. Yet the structure that elevated her was one in which power flowed downward from party leadership, not upward from public trust. When that structure faltered, so did her position.


When the head of a women’s commission is undone by associations that strike at the heart of that institution’s mandate, the damage extends beyond an individual career. It corrodes public faith.


In the end, Chakankar’s story is less about a single scandal than about a political culture.

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