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By:

Quaid Najmi

4 January 2025 at 3:26:24 pm

Educated Muslims being hounded: Owaisi

Mumbai: AIMIM President Asaduddin Owaisi has flayed what he termed as a ‘media trial’ in the alleged TCS Nashik conversion case and claimed that educated Muslims youth are being deliberately targeted as part of planned ‘hate campaign’, here on Saturday. Reiterating full faith in the judicial process, Owaisi said that justice cannot be handed out through media narratives or television debates and the law must be allowed to take its own course. “We are seeing a very dangerous trend… Now,...

Educated Muslims being hounded: Owaisi

Mumbai: AIMIM President Asaduddin Owaisi has flayed what he termed as a ‘media trial’ in the alleged TCS Nashik conversion case and claimed that educated Muslims youth are being deliberately targeted as part of planned ‘hate campaign’, here on Saturday. Reiterating full faith in the judicial process, Owaisi said that justice cannot be handed out through media narratives or television debates and the law must be allowed to take its own course. “We are seeing a very dangerous trend… Now, educated Muslims are being picked out for orchestrated allegations and media campaigns. This doesn’t augur well for society and justice itself with the media playing the role of the judge and jury,” said Owaisi sharply. Flanked by the All India Majlis-e-Ittehadul Muslimeen state President Imtiaz Jaleel, Owaisi also emphatically said that it was wrong to link his party with the TCS case prime accused Nida Khan, “who will be ultimately proven innocent in the courts”. He expressed concerns over the slur campaign driven by malice and political motives against his party as well as Nida Khan in some sections of the media even before the investigations were completed or a judicial scrutiny. “Merely because some allegations have been hurled at a young woman professional, attempts are being made to paint her ‘guilty’ through media trials, even before judicial scrutiny. But, we have complete faith in the judiciary and are confident that the court will eventually exonerate her,” asserted Owaisi. Public Discourse Raising questions on the probe and accompanying public discourse with stress on the alleged recovery of certain ‘evidence’ from Nida Khan’s home, he sharply questioned: “Since when have a burqa, a niqab or religious literature become objectionable… Is wearing a hijab now regarded as evidence of a crime?” He said that these details along with baseless allegations are sensationalism in the media to create further prejudice against the minority community and reflected a deep-rooted hostility aimed at harassing educated Muslim men and women. Owaisi pointed out that a complaint in the TCS Nashik case was filed by a leader linked with the ruling party, and as per the software giant’s statement, Nida Khan was not with its HR Department and transferred even before the controversy erupted, contradicting several media reports. Of the nine cases lodged in the matter till date, in one case, she was accused of hurting religious sentiments, but nobody can comment on it before the court pronounces its verdict, he pointed out. Court Fight Dismissing attempts to drag and link the AIMIM into the row, he referred to a party Municipal Corporator Matin Patel who was booked merely on the basis of certain allegations and vowed to contest the matter in the court. Here Owaisi cited multiple examples of educated Muslims being scrutinised – including in Delhi when some educated youths were arrested for possessing a book by the legendary Urdu poet Mirza Ghalib and they were later released. There was another one from Allahabad where some Muslim boys were targeted for writing an Urdu ‘sher’ (couplet) prompting judicial intervention, and predicted that even in the Nashik TCS case, the truth will ultimately prevail as no criminal charges against Nida Khan may stand. AIMIM to set up voter help-desks AIMIM President and Hyderabad MP, Asaduddin Owaisi said his party is developing a digital application containing electoral records of all 288 Assembly constituencies in Maharashtra for 2002-2024, to help voters in the SIR process. For this, the AIMIM will set up help desk centers in its strongholds to facilitate the process and ensure proper utilisation of voter data. Alleging discrepancies in electoral records, he said such errors create huge problems for the voters, especially the poor or illiterates. Owaisi mentioned how of the nearly 27 lakh names placed in the adjudication list in West Bengal, “90 pc were poor Muslims.” These centers would be open for all Muslims, Buddhists, Christians, Dalits, Adivasis and the general public needing assistance with the electoral records.

Patronage and Fall

For years, Rupali Chakankar embodied a certain kind of political ascent common to regional satraps: loyal, organisationally useful, and closely aligned with the power centre of her party – first, the undivided Nationalist Congress Party (NCP) and later the NCP faction led by the late Ajit Pawar.


Her journey, from a Pune-based party worker to chairperson of the Maharashtra State Commission for Women, was less a story of ideological crusade than of careful navigation within a party defined by hierarchy and factional loyalty.


Born in 1982 in Pune, Chakankar built her political career not through electoral prominence but through the party apparatus. She rose steadily within the NCP, eventually becoming president of its women’s wing, a position that placed her at the heart of mobilisation efforts and intra-party patronage networks. Her proximity to Ajit Pawar’s camp after the NCP split in 2023 and his consolidation of a rival faction, made her one of the more visible female faces of the party’s organisational structure.


In Maharashtra’s political ecosystem, women’s wings are not merely symbolic appendages but instruments of outreach, mobilisation and loyalty-building. Chakankar proved adept at this. She became a familiar presence at party events, advocacy campaigns, and state-level initiatives on women’s issues. Her appointment as chairperson of the Maharashtra State Commission for Women in 2021 (and her reappointment in 2024) was widely seen as a reward for this organisational utility.


Yet her rise also attracted murmurs of discontent within the party. Rivals complained of favouritism and the concentration of posts in a single individual. Critics within the NCP accused the leadership of sidelining other women leaders in favour of Chakankar, underscoring a broader complaint about centralised decision-making in Ajit Pawar’s faction. Such barely contained tensions hinted at the fragility of her standing. That fragility has now been exposed.


The scandal involving Ashok Kharat that has shaken Maharashtra has not only ended Chakankar’s tenure as women’s commission chief but also thrown into question the very logic of her elevation. Kharat’s arrest on charges of sexual assault and exploitation triggered a political storm. As images emerged of Chakankar participating in rituals with him and reports surfaced of her association with institutions linked to him. the contradiction became untenable.


Her resignation, reportedly at the behest of Chief Minister Devendra Fadnavis, was swift. But the speed of her exit only highlighted how conditional her authority had always been. In systems built on patronage, legitimacy is borrowed from those who confer power and withdrawn just as quickly when it becomes inconvenient.


The political fallout has been immediate. Within the NCP, already grappling with leadership flux after Ajit Pawar’s death, Chakankar’s controversy has become a test of credibility for the new leadership under Sunetra Pawar. Party workers and observers alike have called for decisive action to restore the party’s image, with Chakankar’s case seen as emblematic of a wider reputational crisis.


Her future within the party remains uncertain. The very attributes that enabled her rise - visibility, proximity to leadership, concentration of roles - have made her a liability in scandal. But to treat Chakankar’s fall as merely personal is to miss the institutional indictment it represents.


Women’s commissions in India occupy an ambiguous space: formally independent, yet often politically appointed; tasked with safeguarding rights, yet structurally dependent on the state. Their effectiveness relies less on statutory power than on moral authority. Chakankar’s tenure, culminating in this controversy, illustrates how easily that authority can erode when appointments are driven by political calculus rather than credibility. The head of a women’s rights body cannot afford even the perception of proximity to individuals accused of exploiting women. In such roles, symbolism is substance.


There is also a deeper irony. Chakankar’s career was built on the language of advocating empowerment for women, mobilising support, and amplifying grievances. Yet the structure that elevated her was one in which power flowed downward from party leadership, not upward from public trust. When that structure faltered, so did her position.


When the head of a women’s commission is undone by associations that strike at the heart of that institution’s mandate, the damage extends beyond an individual career. It corrodes public faith.


In the end, Chakankar’s story is less about a single scandal than about a political culture.

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