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By:

Quaid Najmi

4 January 2025 at 3:26:24 pm

Maharashtra-Andhra play ‘cupid’ to lone tiger

Mumbai: In a warm gesture, the Maharashtra government has ‘in principle’ agreed to translocate two tigresses to the Papikonda National Park (PNP) in Andhra Pradesh, subject to clearance from the National Tiger Conservation Authority (NTCA), official sources said. The PNP is located in the Papi Hills of Eluru and Polavaram districts, and Maharashtra has responded positively to a request from the AP Deputy Chief Minister Pawan Kalyan. On Feb. 19, Kalyan, who holds the Environment & Forests...

Maharashtra-Andhra play ‘cupid’ to lone tiger

Mumbai: In a warm gesture, the Maharashtra government has ‘in principle’ agreed to translocate two tigresses to the Papikonda National Park (PNP) in Andhra Pradesh, subject to clearance from the National Tiger Conservation Authority (NTCA), official sources said. The PNP is located in the Papi Hills of Eluru and Polavaram districts, and Maharashtra has responded positively to a request from the AP Deputy Chief Minister Pawan Kalyan. On Feb. 19, Kalyan, who holds the Environment & Forests departments, had made a formal written request to Maharashtra Chief Minister Devendra Fadnavis, seeking two tigresses from the Tadoba-Andhari Tiger Reserve (TATR) of Chandrapur district. Citing the backgrounder, Kalyan said that on Jan. 20, a dispersing tiger from central India had entered AP state through the eco-sensitive zone of PNP tiger reserve, after traversing through Telangana. ‘Dispersing’ is the natural behaviour of young and independent tigers to leave their birthplace to carve their own territories, find mates and establish a new home. This prevents inbreeding, reduces competition on resources with their parents and enables genetic health of the larger tiger population in the wilds. The migrant tiger traversed over 650-kms through Eluru, East Godavari and Konaseema districts for nearly three weeks mostly through human dominated landscapes, when it was hunting for food also. “Though there were 20-22 instances of livestock depredation, no human injury was reported,” informed Kalyan, adding that the tiger passed through three States. Explaining the purpose for seeking two tigresses, Kalyan contended that it would boost inter-state wildlife conservation and sustainable tiger conservation in the Eastern Ghats landscape. Considering public safety and the NTCA’s Standard Operating Procedures the migrant tiger was tranquilized and safely captured on Feb. 6, 2026 through coordinated efforts of AP Forest Department, veterinarians and wildlife experts, he said. To keep track of his further movements, the tiger was fitted with a Satellite Radio Collar (SRC) and released in the PNP. Thereafter, the AP’s Expert Committee suggested release of two female tigers to facilitate breeding and territorial stability. After examining the issue in detail, Maharashtra’s Chief Wildlife Warden & Principal Chief Conservator of Forests (Wildlife) Marthala Shrinivasa Reddy informed Additional Chief Secretary (Forest), that the proposal may be considered ‘in principle’, subject to formal proposal by AP government to NTCA and approvals from the latter and preparations of a mutually agreed translocation and post-release monitoring. “The translocation of tigers from Maharashtra to another state involves inter-State transfer of Schedule-I wildlife and requires prior approval of NTCA and other competent authorities as prescribed under the Wildlife (Protection) Act, 1972 and relevant guidelines,” Reddy informed. Reddy said that while the male-female ratio in TATR is comparatively low, but the adjoining Chandrapur Forest circle possesses an adequate female tiger population, from where two suitable females could be considered for translocation after all statutory approvals and procedures are completed. After Reddy’s green signal, the state Deputy Secretary (Forests) Niketa Pande wrote to the AP’s Principal Secretary (Environment and Forest) about Maharashtra’s ‘in-principle’ approval, and requested to complete all other formalities at the earliest to provide mates for the solo tiger in PNP.

Patronage and Fall

For years, Rupali Chakankar embodied a certain kind of political ascent common to regional satraps: loyal, organisationally useful, and closely aligned with the power centre of her party – first, the undivided Nationalist Congress Party (NCP) and later the NCP faction led by the late Ajit Pawar.


Her journey, from a Pune-based party worker to chairperson of the Maharashtra State Commission for Women, was less a story of ideological crusade than of careful navigation within a party defined by hierarchy and factional loyalty.


Born in 1982 in Pune, Chakankar built her political career not through electoral prominence but through the party apparatus. She rose steadily within the NCP, eventually becoming president of its women’s wing, a position that placed her at the heart of mobilisation efforts and intra-party patronage networks. Her proximity to Ajit Pawar’s camp after the NCP split in 2023 and his consolidation of a rival faction, made her one of the more visible female faces of the party’s organisational structure.


In Maharashtra’s political ecosystem, women’s wings are not merely symbolic appendages but instruments of outreach, mobilisation and loyalty-building. Chakankar proved adept at this. She became a familiar presence at party events, advocacy campaigns, and state-level initiatives on women’s issues. Her appointment as chairperson of the Maharashtra State Commission for Women in 2021 (and her reappointment in 2024) was widely seen as a reward for this organisational utility.


Yet her rise also attracted murmurs of discontent within the party. Rivals complained of favouritism and the concentration of posts in a single individual. Critics within the NCP accused the leadership of sidelining other women leaders in favour of Chakankar, underscoring a broader complaint about centralised decision-making in Ajit Pawar’s faction. Such barely contained tensions hinted at the fragility of her standing. That fragility has now been exposed.


The scandal involving Ashok Kharat that has shaken Maharashtra has not only ended Chakankar’s tenure as women’s commission chief but also thrown into question the very logic of her elevation. Kharat’s arrest on charges of sexual assault and exploitation triggered a political storm. As images emerged of Chakankar participating in rituals with him and reports surfaced of her association with institutions linked to him. the contradiction became untenable.


Her resignation, reportedly at the behest of Chief Minister Devendra Fadnavis, was swift. But the speed of her exit only highlighted how conditional her authority had always been. In systems built on patronage, legitimacy is borrowed from those who confer power and withdrawn just as quickly when it becomes inconvenient.


The political fallout has been immediate. Within the NCP, already grappling with leadership flux after Ajit Pawar’s death, Chakankar’s controversy has become a test of credibility for the new leadership under Sunetra Pawar. Party workers and observers alike have called for decisive action to restore the party’s image, with Chakankar’s case seen as emblematic of a wider reputational crisis.


Her future within the party remains uncertain. The very attributes that enabled her rise - visibility, proximity to leadership, concentration of roles - have made her a liability in scandal. But to treat Chakankar’s fall as merely personal is to miss the institutional indictment it represents.


Women’s commissions in India occupy an ambiguous space: formally independent, yet often politically appointed; tasked with safeguarding rights, yet structurally dependent on the state. Their effectiveness relies less on statutory power than on moral authority. Chakankar’s tenure, culminating in this controversy, illustrates how easily that authority can erode when appointments are driven by political calculus rather than credibility. The head of a women’s rights body cannot afford even the perception of proximity to individuals accused of exploiting women. In such roles, symbolism is substance.


There is also a deeper irony. Chakankar’s career was built on the language of advocating empowerment for women, mobilising support, and amplifying grievances. Yet the structure that elevated her was one in which power flowed downward from party leadership, not upward from public trust. When that structure faltered, so did her position.


When the head of a women’s commission is undone by associations that strike at the heart of that institution’s mandate, the damage extends beyond an individual career. It corrodes public faith.


In the end, Chakankar’s story is less about a single scandal than about a political culture.

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