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By:

Prithvi Asthana

20 August 2025 at 5:20:30 pm

Desi method saves LPG at RSS camp

Use of biomass wood stove helped in reducing high cooking cost Mumbai: When the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) decided to hold a 21-day training camp in Jalgaon in the first week of May one of the biggest concerns for the organisers was availability of fuel. The organisation needed two LPG cylinders of 19 kg each for making three meals for 255 participants and 50 managers daily. It would have cost them Rs 6,000 daily and the cost for 21 days on meals on would have touched Rs 1,26,000. It...

Desi method saves LPG at RSS camp

Use of biomass wood stove helped in reducing high cooking cost Mumbai: When the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) decided to hold a 21-day training camp in Jalgaon in the first week of May one of the biggest concerns for the organisers was availability of fuel. The organisation needed two LPG cylinders of 19 kg each for making three meals for 255 participants and 50 managers daily. It would have cost them Rs 6,000 daily and the cost for 21 days on meals on would have touched Rs 1,26,000. It was a time when availability of LPG cylinders was a concern and a costly affair. India’s LPG supply was hit because of the closure of the Strait of Hormuz. The government had hiked the price of commercial LPG cylinder by Rs 993. Then came a desi solution. The RSS decided to use a biomass wood stove that uses renewable energy rather than LPG. The main fuel for this stove was ‘wooden blocks’ prepared from cotton, cow dung or turmeric trees (turkhati). The market rate of the ‘wooden bricks’ is Rs 3 per kg or Rs 150-200 per sack. An RSS swayamsevak from Dhule Rahul Kulkarni has designed this biomass wood stove. He operates an industrial machinery manufacturing company called as ‘Essential Equipments’. The company manufactures renewable energy products like solar thermal systems, bio-gas plant, biomass wood stove, etc. The biomass wood stove proved to be a high success. Its use reduced the daily cooking cost to mere Rs 300 saving around Rs 1,19,700 during the camp period. Not only it helped in reducing cost but also to protect the environment being a source of renewable energy. “We had put a lot of research and development behind this stove, and it was already available. Amid the crisis the stove came in handy to us, and I am happy that we were able to solve this problem. It helped in reducing the cost drastically,” Kulkarni told ‘The Perfect Voice’. Dattatreya Hosable, General Secretary of RSS, who visited the camp for three days, also acknowledged the innovation in cost cutting and saving environment. “I appreciate the efforts taken by the swayamsevaks amid the LPG crisis. Henceforth, RSS will use this method in training camp across the country and I myself will take this solution to all the places,” he said.

Patronage and Fall

For years, Rupali Chakankar embodied a certain kind of political ascent common to regional satraps: loyal, organisationally useful, and closely aligned with the power centre of her party – first, the undivided Nationalist Congress Party (NCP) and later the NCP faction led by the late Ajit Pawar.


Her journey, from a Pune-based party worker to chairperson of the Maharashtra State Commission for Women, was less a story of ideological crusade than of careful navigation within a party defined by hierarchy and factional loyalty.


Born in 1982 in Pune, Chakankar built her political career not through electoral prominence but through the party apparatus. She rose steadily within the NCP, eventually becoming president of its women’s wing, a position that placed her at the heart of mobilisation efforts and intra-party patronage networks. Her proximity to Ajit Pawar’s camp after the NCP split in 2023 and his consolidation of a rival faction, made her one of the more visible female faces of the party’s organisational structure.


In Maharashtra’s political ecosystem, women’s wings are not merely symbolic appendages but instruments of outreach, mobilisation and loyalty-building. Chakankar proved adept at this. She became a familiar presence at party events, advocacy campaigns, and state-level initiatives on women’s issues. Her appointment as chairperson of the Maharashtra State Commission for Women in 2021 (and her reappointment in 2024) was widely seen as a reward for this organisational utility.


Yet her rise also attracted murmurs of discontent within the party. Rivals complained of favouritism and the concentration of posts in a single individual. Critics within the NCP accused the leadership of sidelining other women leaders in favour of Chakankar, underscoring a broader complaint about centralised decision-making in Ajit Pawar’s faction. Such barely contained tensions hinted at the fragility of her standing. That fragility has now been exposed.


The scandal involving Ashok Kharat that has shaken Maharashtra has not only ended Chakankar’s tenure as women’s commission chief but also thrown into question the very logic of her elevation. Kharat’s arrest on charges of sexual assault and exploitation triggered a political storm. As images emerged of Chakankar participating in rituals with him and reports surfaced of her association with institutions linked to him. the contradiction became untenable.


Her resignation, reportedly at the behest of Chief Minister Devendra Fadnavis, was swift. But the speed of her exit only highlighted how conditional her authority had always been. In systems built on patronage, legitimacy is borrowed from those who confer power and withdrawn just as quickly when it becomes inconvenient.


The political fallout has been immediate. Within the NCP, already grappling with leadership flux after Ajit Pawar’s death, Chakankar’s controversy has become a test of credibility for the new leadership under Sunetra Pawar. Party workers and observers alike have called for decisive action to restore the party’s image, with Chakankar’s case seen as emblematic of a wider reputational crisis.


Her future within the party remains uncertain. The very attributes that enabled her rise - visibility, proximity to leadership, concentration of roles - have made her a liability in scandal. But to treat Chakankar’s fall as merely personal is to miss the institutional indictment it represents.


Women’s commissions in India occupy an ambiguous space: formally independent, yet often politically appointed; tasked with safeguarding rights, yet structurally dependent on the state. Their effectiveness relies less on statutory power than on moral authority. Chakankar’s tenure, culminating in this controversy, illustrates how easily that authority can erode when appointments are driven by political calculus rather than credibility. The head of a women’s rights body cannot afford even the perception of proximity to individuals accused of exploiting women. In such roles, symbolism is substance.


There is also a deeper irony. Chakankar’s career was built on the language of advocating empowerment for women, mobilising support, and amplifying grievances. Yet the structure that elevated her was one in which power flowed downward from party leadership, not upward from public trust. When that structure faltered, so did her position.


When the head of a women’s commission is undone by associations that strike at the heart of that institution’s mandate, the damage extends beyond an individual career. It corrodes public faith.


In the end, Chakankar’s story is less about a single scandal than about a political culture.

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