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By:

Quaid Najmi

4 January 2025 at 3:26:24 pm

Commercial LPG 'evaporates' in Maharashtra

Mumbai : The short supply of commercial LPG cylinders turned ‘grim’ on Wednesday as hundreds of small and medium eateries – on whom the ordinary working Mumbaikars depend on for daily meals – shut down or drastically trimmed menus, on Wednesday.   With an estimated 50,000-plus hotels, restaurants and small food joints, the crunch is beginning to be felt severely, said Federation of Hotel and Restaurant Association of India (FHRAI) vice-president and Hotel and Restaurant Association Western...

Commercial LPG 'evaporates' in Maharashtra

Mumbai : The short supply of commercial LPG cylinders turned ‘grim’ on Wednesday as hundreds of small and medium eateries – on whom the ordinary working Mumbaikars depend on for daily meals – shut down or drastically trimmed menus, on Wednesday.   With an estimated 50,000-plus hotels, restaurants and small food joints, the crunch is beginning to be felt severely, said Federation of Hotel and Restaurant Association of India (FHRAI) vice-president and Hotel and Restaurant Association Western India (HRAWI) spokesperson Pradeep Shetty.   “We are in continuous touch with the concerned authorities, but the situation is very gloomy. There is no response from the Centre or the Ministry of Petroleum on when the situation will ease. We fear that more than 50 pc of all eateries in Mumbai will soon down the shutters. The same will apply to the rest of the state and many other parts of India,” Shetty told  ‘ The Perfect Voice’ .   The shortage of commercial LPG has badly affected multiple sectors, including the hospitality and food industries, mass private or commercial kitchens and even the laundry businesses, industry players said.   At their wits' ends, many restaurateurs resorted to the reliable old iron ‘chulhas’ (stoves) fired by either coal or wood - the prices of which have also shot up and result in pollution - besides delaying the cooking.   Anticipating a larger crisis, even domestic LPG consumers besieged retail dealers in Mumbai, Pune, Chhatrapati Sambhajinagar, Ratnagiri, Kolhapur, Akola, Nagpur to book their second cylinder, with snaky queues in many cities. The stark reality of the 12-days old Gulf war with the disturbed supplies has hit the people and industries in the food supply chains that feed crores daily.   “The ordinary folks leave home in the morning after breakfast, then they rely on the others in the food chain for their lunch or dinner. Many street retailers have also shut down temporarily,” said Shetty.   Dry Snacks A quick survey of some suburban ‘khau gullies’ today revealed that the available items were mostly cold sandwiches, fruit or vegetable salads, cold desserts or ice-creams, cold beverages and packed snacks. Few offered the regular ‘piping hot’ foods that need elaborate cooking, or charging higher than normal menu rates, and even the app-based food delivery system was impacted.   Many people were seen gloomily munching on colorful packets of dry snacks like chips, chivda, sev, gathiya, samosas, etc. for lunch, the usually cheerful ‘chai ki dukaans’ suddenly disappeared from their corners, though soft drinks and tetrapaks were available.   Delay, Scarcity  Maharashtra LPG Dealers Association President Deepak Singh yesterday conceded to “some delays due to supply shortages” of commercial cylinders, but assured that there is no scarcity of domestic cylinders.   “We are adhering to the Centre’s guidelines for a 25 days booking period between 2 cylinders (domestic). The issue is with commercial cylinders but even those are available though less in numbers,” said Singh, adding that guidelines to prioritise educational institutions, hospitals, and defence, are being followed, but others are also getting their supplies.   Despite the assurances, Shetty said that the current status is extremely serious since the past week and the intermittent disruptions have escalated into a near-total halt in supplies in many regions since Monday.   Adding to the dismal picture is the likelihood of local hoteliers associations in different cities like Pune, Palghar, Nagpur, Chhatrapati Sambhajinagar, and more resorting to tough measures from Thursday, including temporary shutdown of their outlets, which have run out of gas stocks.

Ploughing Backwards

Repeated farmer protests in Punjab which masquerade as a movement for rights risks derailing the state’s economy and deepening its political woes.

Punjab
Punjab

The protests by Punjab’s farmers have once again exposed the enduring grip of regressive populism on Indian politics. Far from being a genuine movement for agricultural reform, these demonstrations reflect an unwillingness to embrace necessary economic change. With the Samyukta Kisan Morcha (SKM) and other farmer unions mobilizing protests across the country, ostensibly against ‘repression’ by the Punjab government, the movement has now taken on a performative character, detached from the larger economic reality of the state and the nation. The recent clearing of protest sites at the Punjab-Haryana border signals a long-overdue pushback against an agitation that has outlived both its credibility and its public sympathy.


This latest round of demonstrations stems from the same demand that triggered the 2020-21 protests: a legally guaranteed minimum support price (MSP) for crops. This is a deeply flawed demand. An MSP guarantee in perpetuity would entrench inefficiencies in Indian agriculture, burdening government procurement systems and distorting market prices. Punjab’s farmers, disproportionately reliant on wheat and rice cultivation, already benefit from government procurement at rates that far exceed market prices, often at the expense of taxpayers and long-term agricultural sustainability. Encouraging diversification into less water-intensive crops and reducing subsidies for wasteful farming practices would serve Punjab’s interests far better.


The political undertones of this agitation cannot be ignored. The Aam Aadmi Party (AAP)-led government in Punjab finds itself in an unenviable position. Chief Minister Bhagwant Mann’s decision to crack down on the protests and the dismantling of protest camps at Shambhu and Khanauri marks a stark departure from AAP’s earlier sympathetic stance towards farmer protests. The timing of this shift is telling. Speculation abounds that Mann, under pressure from either his party leadership or the central government, was forced to take a harder line. Some suggest that AAP supremo Arvind Kejriwal, known for his political manoeuvring, is attempting to sideline Mann by forcing him into an unpopular position with Punjab’s powerful farming community. Others believe the Centre, wary of another prolonged agitation, compelled the Punjab government to act or face the prospect of President’s Rule. Regardless of the motivations, Mann’s decision to confront the protesters has drawn predictable criticism from opposition parties, but in reality has provided relief to industries and commuters.


Beyond domestic politics, there have long been allegations that foreign interests are influencing these protests. The notion that overseas networks, including entities linked to George Soros and other global financiers, may have played a role in amplifying unrest cannot be dismissed outright.


The protests also reflect an enduring refusal among Punjab’s farm unions to acknowledge changing economic realities. India cannot afford to cling to a procurement system that is neither financially viable nor environmentally sustainable. The World Bank, the NITI Aayog and independent economists have long warned against excessive reliance on MSP-driven procurement, yet farmer unions continue to reject every attempt at reform. Each time the government proposes alternatives, the unions move the goalposts, ensuring that no meaningful negotiation can take place.


At the heart of this problem lies an uncomfortable truth: these protests are not about securing a better future for farmers. They are about preserving an outdated and unsustainable economic model that benefits a narrow section of the farming community at the expense of long-term agricultural health. The leaders of these protests, aware of their diminishing public support, have sought to revive the movement under the guise of ‘police repression.’ But the reality is that the protests have already extracted their political and economic costs. Punjab’s industrialists, traders and ordinary citizens, many of whom suffered severe losses during the 2020-21 agitation, are relieved to see action taken against these blockades.


If the farmer unions were truly interested in progress, they would push for investment in agricultural innovation rather than holding the state hostage with unrealistic demands. Instead, they persist with tactics that recall the worst of India’s obstructionist political culture.

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