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By:

Kiran D. Tare

21 August 2024 at 11:23:13 am

The ‘Nabin’ Turn in BJP Politics

By elevating Bihar Minister Nitin Nabin as Working President of the BJP, the party signals a generational shift with some canny decision-making New Delhi:  Nitin Nabin, 50, was not the only choice of the top BJP leadership for the post of national executive president. He was among the 10 other names shortlisted by the BJP for the coveted post. Nabin’s caste, Kayastha as well as the Assembly elections scheduled in West Bengal in next year made him the final selection, according to a source in...

The ‘Nabin’ Turn in BJP Politics

By elevating Bihar Minister Nitin Nabin as Working President of the BJP, the party signals a generational shift with some canny decision-making New Delhi:  Nitin Nabin, 50, was not the only choice of the top BJP leadership for the post of national executive president. He was among the 10 other names shortlisted by the BJP for the coveted post. Nabin’s caste, Kayastha as well as the Assembly elections scheduled in West Bengal in next year made him the final selection, according to a source in the BJP. The BJP and its parent organisation, the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) were keen on roping someone who is below age of 50, experienced in politics with a proven loyalty to the RSS. “The top brass had shortlisted at least 10 such leaders from across the country. Nitin Nabin emerged as the final selection because of the prevailing political situation,” the source told ‘The Perfect Voice.’ Nabin’s appointment also points towards a paradigm shift in the party’s policy pertaining to future leadership. “Nitin Nabin is not an isolated case,” the source said. “You may witness many young leaders taking centre stage in the party’s decision making in near future.” By appointing Nitin Nabin at the number two position, the BJP has made it clear that its focus is firmly on building future leadership. In the party’s history, he is the youngest leader to assume such responsibility. Bengal Files The Kayastha community plays a decisive role in at least 15 Assembly constituencies in West Bengal. These are the constituencies adjacent to Bihar. Nitin Nabin could galvanise the community, which is otherwise a staunch BJP supporter, in its favour. The Kayastha are in large numbers in Uttar Pradesh too which will go for the Assembly polls in 2027. The BJP has tried to pacify the Kurmi community by appointing Pankaj Choudhary, a Kurmi, as state president. The disappointment in the Kurmi community was one of the reasons behind the party’s suffering a setback in the 2024 Lok Sabha election in UP. Upset with less number of Kurmi candidates the community had put its weight behind Samajwadi Party, which had fielded sizeable Kurmi candidates. Nabin’s appointment also serves as a message that the BJP has emphasised that politics requires dignity, humility, and decorum, and that sensationalism through provocative statements is not its political approach. A clean image and disciplined conduct continue to be core values of the party. Nitin’s father Navin Kishore Sinha was associated with the party since the Jan Sangh era and served as a seven-time MLA from Patna. After his demise, Nitin carried forward the legacy without allowing the label of dynastic politics to be attached to him. He began his political journey with the ABVP and later joined the BJP Yuva Morcha. Though he comes from a political family he does not carry the label of dynast politician. Gujarat Connection A set of Gujarat politicians were grooming Nabin unbeknownst to him. The BJP’s Bihar general secretary (organisation) Bhikubhai Dalsania, the in-charge of Bharatiya Janata Yuva Morcha, Virendra Desai, and the state co-in-charge C.R. Paatil kept a close watch on Nabin. They all are from Gujarat and considered to be very close to Prime Minister Narendra Modi. The BJP assigned Nabin a crucial responsibility by appointing him as in-charge of Chhattisgarh. There, he focused on booth-level management, organisational expansion, and electoral coordination, leading to a decisive victory for the party. This success established that his leadership capabilities extend beyond Bihar to the national level. Appointing an MLA of a state as a state in-charge is a rare thing in the BJP. Since the in-charge has to deal with the state’s top leadership there is a convention that a senior leader is appointed as an in-charge of the state. Nabin was an exception because he was under watch from Modi himself for the possible big role in the party. Chhattisgarh Model During his tenure in Chhattisgarh, Nabin toured remote regions with youth general secretaries, interacted with party workers, and aligned them with state-level priorities. He effectively advanced promises related to the election manifesto and ensured strong, targeted communication against the well-organized political machinery led by Bhupesh Baghel. Following the BJP’s defeat in 2018, workers were demoralised due to prolonged grassroots inactivity. He initiated the ‘Mor Awas Mor Adhikar’ campaign in coordination with the state leadership, reaching nearly 18 lakh families deprived of Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s flagship housing scheme under the Congress government. Along with Mansukh Mandaviya, he conceptualised the ‘Mahtari Vandan’ scheme as a response to Bhupesh Baghel’s loan waiver promise. This women-centric campaign became a decisive factor in the Chhattisgarh Assembly elections. Even after other leaders moved on to new roles, he continued extensive tours to strengthen the BJP for the 2024 Lok Sabha elections, leading to an impressive 10 out of 10 result in the State.

Ploughing for a Better Future

Updated: Jan 31

Ploughing

Every year, as the Union Budget looms, we farmers hold our breath. Agriculture in India is not just a profession but the pulse of the nation, sustaining over half the population and shaping the country’s economic narrative. And yet, the sector often finds itself in a perpetual cycle of neglect, caught between political posturing and bureaucratic inertia. The 2025 Budget offers another opportunity to break this pattern, to bring meaningful change to the farmers who form the foundation of India’s economy. But will the government seize it?


First and foremost, farmers need more than token allocations - they need substantial, sustained investment. Irrigation projects, cold storage facilities and rural markets require dedicated funds, not sporadic handouts. Without such infrastructure, farmers remain vulnerable to erratic monsoons, supply chain breakdowns, and post-harvest losses.


The Pradhan Mantri Fasal Bima Yojana (PMFBY) was launched with the promise of shielding farmers from unpredictable crop losses. But the scheme has often fallen short – be it in Maharashtra or elsewhere, being mired in delayed payouts, insurance company bottlenecks and red tape that leaves farmers stranded. If the government is serious about protecting rural livelihoods, PMFBY must be revamped with stricter accountability measures and faster claim settlements.


The romance of the plough is outdated. Indian agriculture needs to fully embrace the 21st century. Precision farming, drone-based monitoring, and AI-driven soil analysis are no longer luxuries but necessities. While some initiatives have nudged farmers toward modern technology, adoption remains low due to high costs. Subsidizing smart farming equipment would not only improve productivity but also make Indian agriculture globally competitive.


Minimum Support Price (MSP) remains the cornerstone of farmers’ demands, a lifeline that ensures they are not crushed by volatile market forces. While the government announces MSP hikes, the reality on the ground is different as procurement remains skewed in favour of certain crops and middlemen often manipulate the system. Expanding MSP coverage and enforcing transparent procurement mechanisms would go a long way in restoring farmers’ faith in the system.


For small and marginal farmers, loans are a double-edged sword. While access to credit is essential, the spectre of debt-induced distress looms large. Loan waivers, though politically popular, are short-term fixes at best. Instead, the government must introduce structured, long-term financial reforms—low-interest credit lines, easier repayment options, and financial literacy programs to prevent farmers from falling into debt traps.


Indian agriculture is at the mercy of the monsoon, a dependency that spells disaster in years of deficient rainfall. Irrigation projects need to be fast-tracked, and water conservation efforts must move beyond rhetoric. Efficient water management through drip irrigation, rainwater harvesting and watershed development can make farming less of a gamble.


While policymakers love to extol the virtues of organic farming, the ground reality tells a different story. The transition to organic methods is expensive, time-consuming, and riddled with marketing challenges. For it to be viable, farmers need access to subsidies, dedicated supply chains, and global export avenues that ensure organic produce fetches competitive prices.


Indian farmers often produce in abundance, only to watch their harvests rot due to inadequate processing facilities. Encouraging agro-processing industries through tax breaks, local-level food processing centers and farm-to-market linkages can help farmers reap greater profits and reduce wastage.


Erratic rainfall, rising temperatures, and unpredictable weather patterns are no longer abstract concerns. Climate change is already impacting crop yields, and if India fails to act now, the repercussions will be dire. The budget must prioritize climate-resilient agriculture, investing in research, developing drought-resistant crops and creating financial safety nets for climate-affected farmers, especially in regions like Marathwada and Vidarbha.


Beyond the fields, Indian farmers need social security. Aging farmers need pensions, rural healthcare systems must be strengthened, and accident insurance should be a given. If policymakers truly believe in “Jai Jawan, Jai Kisan,” then social protection for farmers must be more than a slogan.


The Union Budget 2025 can either continue with piecemeal solutions, offering band-aids to deep wounds, or it can herald a new era for Indian agriculture. Farmers are not looking for charity but systemic changes that empower them. The question is, will the government listen this time?


(The author is a farmer and resident of Latur district. )

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