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By:

Correspondent

23 August 2024 at 4:29:04 pm

Red Romance

For long, the Naxalite in news was recognisable by the gun. But the more insidious version of Naxalism has never needed a rifle. It has thrived in varsity classrooms and newspaper and magazine columns, fostered by men and women sympathetic to it. These academics and other members of the so-called intelligentsia have long enjoyed their status as ‘respectable dissenters’ even when their politics offered intellectual alibis for Naxals carrying guns. Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s recent...

Red Romance

For long, the Naxalite in news was recognisable by the gun. But the more insidious version of Naxalism has never needed a rifle. It has thrived in varsity classrooms and newspaper and magazine columns, fostered by men and women sympathetic to it. These academics and other members of the so-called intelligentsia have long enjoyed their status as ‘respectable dissenters’ even when their politics offered intellectual alibis for Naxals carrying guns. Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s recent Independence Day warning about “dimaagi Naxals” should therefore not be dismissed as another political label. His larger point was that an insurgency does not survive on ammunition alone. It survives on ideas and people willing to make violence appear morally fashionable. The most revealing feature of India’s Maoist movement was never simply its brutality. It was the strange attraction it exercised over sections of the metropolitan Left elite. The Naxalite with an AK-47 could be transformed into a romantic revolutionary while the policeman he killed became an instrument of an oppressive state. This was not merely naïveté. At its ugliest, it was the intellectual laundering of political violence. The fantasy of the romantic revolutionary has always been seductive. In this narrative, amplified through sympathetic media priding itself on telling ‘truth to power,’ India was not a constitutional democracy struggling with inequality and corruption but an inherently illegitimate state waiting to be overthrown. In the minds of this elite Left, Maoist violence has often been recast as resistance while attacks on infrastructure as blows against capitalism. The armed overthrow of the Indian republic was the liberation they craved for. Some of India’s most celebrated intellectuals have flirted dangerously close to that moral inversion. The issue here is whether intellectual prestige can be used to sanitise an ideology whose practitioners have murdered civilians, policemen and public servants and terrorised some of India’s poorest districts. A university cannot be the place where Maoist romanticism acquires the legitimacy of a fashionable campus cause. Professors who turn armed insurgents into heroic revolutionaries are not merely exercising academic freedom. If they knowingly excuse violence, they are helping to construct the moral vocabulary that makes violence possible. Let’s be clear here. A professor who criticises the Indian state is not a Naxal while a journalist who exposes state excesses is not an enemy of India. But an intellectual who repeatedly excuses, glorifies or rationalises political violence cannot hide behind the word ‘dissent.’ India has paid an enormous price for the Maoist fantasy. Thousands have died. Entire regions were held back by fear while development was obstructed. The people supposedly being liberated were often the first to suffer. The armed Naxal is now being pushed towards extinction. But the Indian republic cannot afford to leave behind the romantic mythology that made the gun respectable. A democracy can tolerate dissent. It should never be expected to tolerate the glorification of those who seek its violent destruction.

President takes prompt cognizance

Mumbai: President Droupadi Murmu has taken immediate cognizance of a plea pointing at grave insults to the Indian Tricolour (Tiranga) in pubs and hotels, violations to the Flag Code of India, 2002, in the name of celebrating Republic Day and Independence Day.


Pune businessman-cum-activist Prafful Sarda had shot off a complaint to the President on Jan. 26 but was surprised to receive a response from her office in less than 72 hours.


Under Secretary Lakshmi Maharabooshanam in the President’s Secretariat at Rashtrapati Bhavan, replied to Sarda on forwarding his complaint to the Ministry of Home Affairs for necessary action. It further stated that action taken in the matter must be conveyed directly to Sarda.


“It’s a pleasant surprise indeed that the President has taken serious note of the issue of insults to the National Flag at night-clubs, pubs, lounges, sports bars and other places all over the country. The blatant mishandling of the National Flag also violates the specially laid-down provisions of the Flag Code of India,” said Sarda.


He pointed out that the Tricolor is a sacred symbol and not a ‘commercial prop’ for entertainment purposes to be used by artists without disregard for the rules.


“There are multiple videos, reels or photos available on social media… It's painful to view how the National Flag is being grossly misused, disrespected and even displayed at late nights or early morning hours, flouting the rules,” Sarda said.


The more worrisome aspect is that such transgressions are occurring openly, repeatedly and apparently without any apprehensions for the potential consequences. This indicates serious lapses in the enforcement and supervision, but such unchecked abuse could portend dangerous signals that national symbols can be ‘trivialized and traded for profits’.


He urged the President to direct the issue of stringent written guidelines with circular to all such private or commercial outlets on mandatory compliance with the Flag Code of India, conduct special awareness drives, surprise checks on such venues and regular inspections to curb the misuse of the Tricolour.


Flag Code of India, 2002

Perturbed over the “perceptible lack of awareness” not only among the masses but also governmental agencies with regard to the laws, practices and conventions for displaying the National Flag as per the Emblems and Names (Prevention of Improper Use) Act, 1950 and the Prevention of Insults to National Honour Act, 1971, the centre had brought out the detailed 25-page Flag Code of India, 2002.


The Flag Code of India has minute guidelines on the display of the Tricolour, the happy occasions when it flies high, or the sad times when it is at half-mast, the privileged dignitaries who are entitled to display it on their vehicles, etc. Certain violations attract hefty fines and/or imprisonment till three years.

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