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By:

Abhijit Mulye

21 August 2024 at 11:29:11 am

Shinde dilutes demand

Likely to be content with Deputy Mayor’s post in Mumbai Mumbai: In a decisive shift that redraws the power dynamics of Maharashtra’s urban politics, the standoff over the prestigious Mumbai Mayor’s post has ended with a strategic compromise. Following days of resort politics and intense backroom negotiations, the Eknath Shinde-led Shiv Sena has reportedly diluted its demand for the top job in the Brihanmumbai Municipal Corporation (BMC), settling instead for the Deputy Mayor’s post. This...

Shinde dilutes demand

Likely to be content with Deputy Mayor’s post in Mumbai Mumbai: In a decisive shift that redraws the power dynamics of Maharashtra’s urban politics, the standoff over the prestigious Mumbai Mayor’s post has ended with a strategic compromise. Following days of resort politics and intense backroom negotiations, the Eknath Shinde-led Shiv Sena has reportedly diluted its demand for the top job in the Brihanmumbai Municipal Corporation (BMC), settling instead for the Deputy Mayor’s post. This development, confirmed by high-ranking party insiders, follows the realization that the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) effectively ceded its claims on the Kalyan-Dombivali Municipal Corporation (KDMC) to protect the alliance, facilitating a “Mumbai for BJP, Kalyan for Shinde” power-sharing formula. The compromise marks a complete role reversal between the BJP and the Shiv Sena. Both the political parties were in alliance with each other for over 25 years before 2017 civic polls. Back then the BJP used to get the post of Deputy Mayor while the Shiv Sena always enjoyed the mayor’s position. In 2017 a surging BJP (82 seats) had paused its aggression to support the undivided Shiv Sena (84 seats), preferring to be out of power in the Corporation to keep the saffron alliance intact. Today, the numbers dictate a different reality. In the recently concluded elections BJP emerged as the single largest party in Mumbai with 89 seats, while the Shinde faction secured 29. Although the Shinde faction acted as the “kingmaker”—pushing the alliance past the majority mark of 114—the sheer numerical gap made their claim to the mayor’s post untenable in the long run. KDMC Factor The catalyst for this truce lies 40 kilometers north of Mumbai in Kalyan-Dombivali, a region considered the impregnable fortress of Eknath Shinde and his son, MP Shrikant Shinde. While the BJP performed exceptionally well in KDMC, winning 50 seats compared to the Shinde faction’s 53, the lotter for the reservation of mayor’s post in KDMC turned the tables decisively in favor of Shiv Sena there. In the lottery, the KDMC mayor’ post went to be reserved for the Scheduled Tribe candidate. The BJP doesn’t have any such candidate among elected corporatros in KDMC. This cleared the way for Shiv Sena. Also, the Shiv Sena tied hands with the MNS in the corporation effectively weakening the Shiv Sena (UBT)’s alliance with them. Party insiders suggest that once it became clear the BJP would not pursue the KDMC Mayor’s chair—effectively acknowledging it as Shinde’s fiefdom—he agreed to scale down his demands in the capital. “We have practically no hope of installing a BJP Mayor in Kalyan-Dombivali without shattering the alliance locally,” a Mumbai BJP secretary admitted and added, “Letting the KDMC become Shinde’s home turf is the price for securing the Mumbai Mayor’s bungalow for a BJP corporator for the first time in history.” The formal elections for the Mayoral posts are scheduled for later this month. While the opposition Maharashtra Vikas Aghadi (MVA)—led by the Shiv Sena (UBT)—has vowed to field candidates, the arithmetic heavily favors the ruling alliance. For Eknath Shinde, accepting the Deputy Mayor’s post in Mumbai is a tactical retreat. It allows him to consolidate his power in the MMR belt (Thane and Kalyan) while remaining a partner in Mumbai’s governance. For the BJP, this is a crowning moment; after playing second fiddle in the BMC for decades, they are poised to finally install their own “First Citizen” of Mumbai.

Questionable Stage

Updated: Oct 30, 2024

Few events blur the line between artistic expression and public accountability as sharply as the recent controversy surrounding IIT-Bombay’s invitation to Mahmood Farooqui. A noted filmmaker and pioneer in reviving ‘Dastangoi,’ a medieval form of storytelling, Farooqui was scheduled to perform ‘Dastan-e-Karn Az Mahabharat’ - a rendition of the ‘Mahabharata’ as part of the Izhaar festival organized by the Indian Languages Club, Vaani. However, the performance was cancelled at the last moment after an outcry from a section of students and staff. The critics expressed discomfort with the choice of Farooqui, who, despite being acquitted after a prior conviction on sexual assault charges, remains a contentious figure due to ongoing debates over consent and power dynamics.


The protesters, including a body of volunteers named ‘IIT B for Bharat’ argued that hosting Mr. Farooqui risked conveying a dismissive message about survivors’ experiences and could compromise campus safety. They emphasized that, as a premier educational institution, IIT-Bombay has a responsibility to foster a respectful and inclusive environment. The invitation not only sparked disapproval within the institution but also led to public debate on social media, ultimately prompting the administration to cancel the performance.


Why, then, do so-called liberal campuses across India engage in such decisions? What do they stand to gain? On campuses known for their progressive leanings, inviting figures who polarize public opinion, often under the guise of inclusivity or artistic expression, has become a recurring trend. For instance, Jawaharlal Nehru University’s frequent hosting of events involving figures with provocative pasts is often framed as a stand for free speech. Similarly, recent guest lectures by controversial activists and intellectuals at institutions like Jadavpur University and Ashoka University have drawn criticism. Such actions risk alienating large segments of society, appearing more like symbolic gestures of defiance than genuine efforts to foster meaningful discussion.


It also raises a pressing question: why choose a figure whose past remains controversial for a performance based on a revered Hindu text, particularly in an educational context? Imagine the reaction if a Hindu figure, even absent a contentious history, were invited to perform or recite from the Quran or other sacred Islamic texts. Farooqui’s past support of a mercy petition for Ajmal Kasab, the lone surviving perpetrator of the 26/11 terror attacks, further compounds the controversy.


The role of educational institutions in navigating cultural sensitivities and promoting ethical standards cannot be understated. Arts and academia must indeed push boundaries to explore new perspectives. However, in contexts as sensitive as India’s current socio-religious climate, the choice of representatives is paramount. For IIT-Bombay, an institution held in high regard, the lesson is clear: the pursuit of artistic and cultural dialogue should neither ignore public sentiment nor sacrifice institutional integrity.

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