Red flag to green steel

Ex-Maoists forge new destiny in Gadchiroli Gadchiroli: The rugged, forested terrain of Gadchiroli district, long synonymous with the violence and deep-rooted anti-establishment tenets of the ‘Red Ideology’, is now witnessing a remarkable social and industrial transformation. At the Lloyds Metals and Energy Ltd. (LMEL) plant in Konsari, once-feared Maoist operatives are shedding their past lives and embracing a new, respectable existence as skilled workers in a cutting-edge Direct Reduced Iron...

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Ex-Maoists forge new destiny in Gadchiroli Gadchiroli: The rugged, forested terrain of Gadchiroli district, long synonymous with the violence and deep-rooted anti-establishment tenets of the ‘Red Ideology’, is now witnessing a remarkable social and industrial transformation. At the Lloyds Metals and Energy Ltd. (LMEL) plant in Konsari, once-feared Maoist operatives are shedding their past lives and embracing a new, respectable existence as skilled workers in a cutting-edge Direct Reduced Iron (DRI) and pellet plant. This ‘green steel’ project, part of LMEL’s push for an integrated steel complex in the region, is functioning not just as an industrial unit but as a crucial pillar in the Maharashtra government’s surrender-cum-rehabilitation policy. So far, LMEL, in coordination with the state government and the Gadchiroli Police, has provided employment and training to 68 surrendered Maoists and 14 members of families affected by Naxal violence, a total of 82 individuals, offering them a definitive pathway back to the mainstream. The Shift The transformation begins at the company’s dedicated Lloyds Skill Development and Training Centre at Konsari. Recognizing that many former cadres had limited formal education, the company implements a structured, skill-based rehabilitation model. They are trained in essential technical and operational skills required for plant administration, civil construction, and mechanical operations. For individuals like Govinda Atala, a former deputy commander, the change is palpable. “After surrendering, I got the right to live a new life,” Atala said. “I am very happy to get this job. I am now living my life on my own; there is no pressure on me now.” Suresh Hichame, who spent over a decade in the movement before surrendering in 2009 too echoed the sentiments. He realized the path of violence offered neither him nor his family any benefit. Moreover, his self-respecct was hurt. He knew several languages and carried out several crucial tasks for the banned organization remaining constantly under the shadow of death. Today, he works in the plant, receiving a steady monthly salary that enables him to care for his family—a basic dignity the ‘Red Ideology’ could never provide. The monthly salaries of the rehabilitated workers, typically ranging from Rs 13,000 to Rs 20,000, are revolutionary in a region long characterized by poverty and lack of opportunities. Trust, Stability The employment of former Maoists is a brave and calculated risk for LMEL, an industry that historically faced stiff opposition and even violence from the left wing extremist groups. LMEL’s management, however, sees it as an investment in inclusive growth and long-term stability for the district. The LMEL has emphasized the company’s commitment to training and facilitating career growth for the local populace, including the surrendered cadres. This commitment to local workforce upskilling is proving to be a highly effective counter-insurgency strategy, chipping away at the foundation of the Maoist movement: the exploitation of local grievances and lack of economic options. The reintegration effort extends beyond the factory floor. By providing stable incomes and a sense of purpose, LMEL helps the former rebels navigate the social transition. They are now homeowners, taxpayers, and active members of the community, replacing the identity of an outlaw with that of a respected employee. This social acceptance, coupled with economic independence, is the true measure of rehabilitation. The successful employment of cadres, some of whom were once high-ranking commanders, also sends a powerful message to those still active in the jungle: the path to a peaceful and prosperous life is open and tangible. It transforms the promise of government rehabilitation into a concrete reality. The plant, with its production of iron ore and steel, is physically transforming the region into an emerging industrial hub, and in doing so, it is symbolically forging the nation’s progress out of the ashes of extremism. The coordinated effort between private industry, the state government, and the Gadchiroli police is establishing a new environment of trust, stability, and economic progress, marking Gadchiroli’s transition from a Maoist hotbed to a model of inclusive and sustainable development.

Redrawing the Map

Correspondent
Apr 21
3 min read

A business-savvy Chief Minister tries to sweep away the grime and legacy of her predecessors.

For years, Delhi staggered under the weight of promise and paralysis. Under the previous Aam Aadmi Party (AAP) government led by Arvind Kejriwal, populist gestures often overshadowed serious governance. Infrastructure projects lagged, illegal constructions mushroomed and despite earnest talk about the Yamuna’s revival and healthcare reforms, delivery fell woefully short. Now, with Rekha Gupta of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) at the helm, the winds of change are unmistakably blowing through the national capital.

In her first 60 days in office, Gupta, a businesswoman-turned-politician, has unveiled a flurry of initiatives that signal both a break from the past and an ambition to future-proof Delhi. Her Rs. 4,000-crore development project, announced at the 120th anniversary of the PHD Chamber of Commerce and Industry, is touted as a “100-year development model.” Sceptics might smirk at the timescale, but the early signs of intent are hard to ignore.

Unlike the AAP, whose tenure saw administrative gridlock between Delhi’s government and its municipalities, Gupta has used her political heft to align the Delhi Jal Board (DJB), municipal corporations, and government departments. Already, Rs. 3,000 crore has been committed to upgrading water and sanitation - two sectors that were chronic failures under her predecessors. Under AAP, sewer overflows and the stench of bureaucratic inertia were common; Gupta has rolled out 1,111 GPS-tracked water tankers and deployed 50 super-sucker machines to clean the city’s drains in stark contrast to the mere two machines bought in the previous decade.

More impressively, technology is being leveraged with unexpected sophistication. Citizens can now track water tankers through mobile dashboards, a small but symbolic shift towards greater transparency - an area where the AAP's promises often evaporated into bluster. Gupta is acutely aware that clean governance must be as visible as clean drains.

Healthcare, another Achilles’ heel of the AAP regime despite grandstanding on mohalla clinics, is also receiving urgent attention. At the Institute of Liver and Biliary Sciences (ILBS), Gupta called for a more inclusive healthcare model, acknowledging Delhi’s de facto role as a national health capital. The recent launch of an Integrated Liver Rehabilitation Centre, inaugurated by Union Home Minister Amit Shah, fits snugly into her broader strategy: modernise, expand and integrate healthcare systems from primary to tertiary levels.

The Chief Minister’s embrace of Ayushman Bharat, the Modi government’s flagship health insurance programme (something the AAP resisted adopting fully) signals a new era of cooperative federalism. There is also a commitment to revive water bodies, install smart meters and expand hospital capacity, aiming for an infrastructure that can support a swelling population.

Gupta’s critics, especially the AAP, argue that her blitzkrieg of announcements is more style than substance. But her response to the Mustafabad building collapse offers an early case study in active governance. Within hours, evacuation orders were issued for nearby unsafe structures. Law Minister Kapil Mishra, a vocal critic of the AAP’s alleged complicity in illegal constructions, directly linked the tragedy to Kejriwal-era negligence and appeasement politics. While the rhetoric was predictably sharp, there is little doubt that the MCD, now under BJP influence, has shifted from passive tolerance to active intervention.

Where Kejriwal once skilfully played the outsider taking on entrenched power structures, Gupta is positioning herself as the reformer restoring institutional strength and public accountability.

Nonetheless, success will depend not just on new projects but on the sustained execution of these plans. Delhi’s problems are hydra-headed: air pollution, housing shortages, traffic congestion and climate resilience are all interlinked challenges.

Still, the early months of her tenure suggest a refreshing seriousness of purpose. Rekha Gupta’s model is less about charismatic populism and more about managerial competence. If she can maintain this momentum and can translate announcements into visible results, Delhi might indeed be poised for a renaissance. After years of drift, the city is in dire need of a new architect.

Red flag to green steel

Redrawing the Map

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