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By:

Quaid Najmi

4 January 2025 at 3:26:24 pm

Raj Thackeray tormented over ‘missing kids’ in state

Mumbai : Expressing grave concerns over the steep rise in cases of ‘missing children’ in the state, Maharashtra Navnirman Sena (MNS) President Raj Thackeray has accused the state government of treating the matter casually and failing to respond to it urgently.   In an open missive on 'X' to Chief Minister Devendra Fadnavis, Raj Thackeray quoted data from the National Crime Records Bureau (NCRB) pointing at almost an alarming 30 pc increase in the number of children ‘missing’ in the state...

Raj Thackeray tormented over ‘missing kids’ in state

Mumbai : Expressing grave concerns over the steep rise in cases of ‘missing children’ in the state, Maharashtra Navnirman Sena (MNS) President Raj Thackeray has accused the state government of treating the matter casually and failing to respond to it urgently.   In an open missive on 'X' to Chief Minister Devendra Fadnavis, Raj Thackeray quoted data from the National Crime Records Bureau (NCRB) pointing at almost an alarming 30 pc increase in the number of children ‘missing’ in the state between 2021-2024.   When asked for his reactions, Fadnavis told media-persons in Nagpur that he had not read the letter, but the issue raised is important and he would reply to it. Fadnavis stated that the NCRB has also provided the reasons why the kids go ‘missing’, how they return and the period, ranging from 3 days to 18 months.   Dwelling on the sufficiency of the NCRB figures, he contended that they reflect only complaints formally registered by the police and thousands of cases may never be reported.   On the ‘rescue, return and reunion’ of such missing children, he pointed to the sheer psychological trauma they may have suffered and sought to know how such child-lifter networks continued to thrive openly and blatantly.   The MNS chief targeted what he claimed was the “state’s lack of proactive measures to identify and dismantle child-begging rackets” as many juveniles can be seen begging at railway stations, bus stands, traffic signals, often accompanied by adults with doubtful authenticity.   “If some woman claims to be the child’s relative or guardian, should the government not order a thorough probe? Is it inappropriate to consider even a DNA test in suspicious cases,” Raj Thackeray demanded.   Slamming the government and the Opposition, he lamented how both sides failed to prioritise such urgent social issues in the legislature where discussions centre around partisan sparring.   The letter also mentions attempts by the Centre to coordinate with states on the ‘missing or trafficked children’, regretting how political upmanships and symbolic debates prevent meaningful action on the ground.   The NCRB said that Maharashtra has consistently ranked among states with the highest number of ‘missing children’, particularly in urban centres like Mumbai, Thane, and Pune.   Simultaneously, experts, child rights NGOs and activists have warned about trafficking networks that exploit poverty, migration and weak law enforcement and low convictions, despite official rescue missions or rehab efforts.   In his appeal, Raj Thackeray called upon Fadnavis to take concrete, visible measures rather than discussions and conventions. “Maharashtra expects decisive steps from you, not speeches. Jai Maharashtra,” he signed off.     In October 2023,Sharad Pawar red-flagged ‘missing girls-women’ This is the second major social cause by a political leader, two years after Nationalist Congress Party (SP) President Sharad Pawar had red-flagged nearly 20,000 ‘missing women and girls’ from the state between Jan-May 2023.   In the present instance, Raj Thackeray said that “behind the statistics lies a far more disturbing reality involving organised, inter-state gangs that kidnap children, physically abuse them and force them into begging rings”.   “Little kids are assaulted, made to beg and shifted across states. Groups of children disappear suddenly, and the government appears unable, or unwilling, to grasp the seriousness of what is happening,” said Thackeray in a strong tone.

Sacred Stones, Shifting Lines

An 11th-century temple and 21st-century nationalism are keeping the Thai–Cambodia border perpetually on edge.

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Once again, artillery has spoken along the jungle-clad frontier between Thailand and Cambodia. As fighter jets roar overhead, civilians have fled to makeshift shelters even as a ceasefire signed only weeks ago collapsed with indecent speed. The latest bout of violence, featuring air strikes, casualties and mass displacement, has revived a familiar question in South-East Asia: why does this border, more than a century after it was first drawn, remain so combustible?


The immediate trigger was banal enough. On December 7, a Thai engineering team was working on an access road in a disputed stretch of the frontier when, according to Thailand’s army, Cambodian troops opened fire. Two Thai soldiers were injured, neither of them seriously.


While Cambodia disputes this account, Thailand says multiple positions came under attack and that it was forced to respond. Within hours, the issue escalated as Thai jets struck Cambodian military positions. Bangkok accused Phnom Penh of moving heavy weapons towards the border. Cambodia’s defence ministry countered that Thai forces had launched tank and artillery attacks deep inside its territory, hitting provinces such as Pursat, Banteay Meanchey and Oddar Meanchey.


Villages on both sides of the frontier have emptied while hundreds of families have been displaced. Each capital accuses the other of violating international law as a ceasefire brokered in October now lies in tatters.


Unconventional Conflict

Given that both countries are overwhelmingly Theravada Buddhist, there is no sectarian hatred to inflame passions. Nor is this a conventional resource war. What Thailand and Cambodia are fighting over is heritage in form of a temple laid nearly a millennium ago and a map inked barely a century back.


The roots of the conflict lie in the colonial age. In 1907, when Cambodia was part of French Indochina, Paris and Bangkok produced a map demarcating the border. Thailand disputed parts of it almost immediately. To this day, sections of the frontier remain unmarked, creating grey zones where patrols overlap and tempers fray. The most sensitive of these is the Preah Vihear temple, an 11th-century Hindu sanctuary perched dramatically atop a ridge overlooking the plains.


Both countries have claimed Preah Vihear for decades. In 1962 the International Court of Justice ruled that the temple itself belonged to Cambodia, a judgment Thailand accepted. What the court did not do was clearly demarcate the surrounding land. That omission has proved fateful. While the temple flies the Cambodian flag, the approaches to it remain contested. Troops from both sides have dug in around the site, turning a place of worship into a military tinderbox.


Clashes have erupted there repeatedly, but this year has been particularly bloody. In July, fighting over five days killed 48 people. Alarmed by the prospect of a wider conflict, regional and external powers intervened. A ceasefire was signed in Kuala Lumpur in October after mediation by Malaysia, with the United States lending its weight. Donald Trump, never shy of superlatives, called it a “major breakthrough.” It lasted only weeks.


The Thailand–Cambodia border sits astride a vital Asian trade corridor. Both countries are important American partners. Air strikes between members of ASEAN are almost unheard of; their recurrence now has rattled a region already uneasy about China’s assertiveness and paralysed by Myanmar’s civil war. ASEAN, which prizes consensus and non-interference, looks particularly ill-equipped to manage multiple security crises at once.


At heart, this is a conflict sustained by ambiguity and nationalism. Unclear borders invite patrols; patrols invite incidents; incidents invite politicians to don the mantle of defenders of sovereignty. Domestic politics in both Bangkok and Phnom Penh reward toughness far more than compromise. Each skirmish hardens public opinion, making the next one more likely.


There are remedies, though none are easy. Technical border demarcation, overseen by neutral experts, would remove much of the uncertainty that fuels clashes. ASEAN-led monitoring could lend credibility to ceasefires. Joint economic projects and cultural exchanges around disputed areas might shift the narrative from zero-sum ownership to shared stewardship. Above all, a permanent settlement would deprive nationalists of their favourite grievance.


For now, distrust runs too deep. The rapid collapse of the latest ceasefire shows how fragile existing arrangements are and how readily both sides reach for force.


Until the stones of Preah Vihear are matched by lines on a map that both sides accept, the border will remain a place where history, pride and geopolitics collide and where peace is always provisional.


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