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By:

Akhilesh Sinha

25 June 2025 at 2:53:54 pm

From legacy to leadership

Samrat Choudhary's ascent reflects legacy, caste dynamics, and political shifts Patna:  The rise of Samrat Choudhary in Bihar's political landscape is not merely the story of an individual's success, but a reflection of a long political tradition, evolving social equations, and shifting power dynamics over time. Following his election as the leader of the Bharatiya Janata Party's legislative wing, his elevation to the chief minister's office appears almost certain, which is marking a decisive...

From legacy to leadership

Samrat Choudhary's ascent reflects legacy, caste dynamics, and political shifts Patna:  The rise of Samrat Choudhary in Bihar's political landscape is not merely the story of an individual's success, but a reflection of a long political tradition, evolving social equations, and shifting power dynamics over time. Following his election as the leader of the Bharatiya Janata Party's legislative wing, his elevation to the chief minister's office appears almost certain, which is marking a decisive milestone in a political journey spanning more than three and half decades. Over the years, his political journey traversed multiple parties, including the Congress, Samata Party, Rashtriya Janata Dal, Janata Dal (United), and Hindustani Awam Morcha. His name did surface in a high-profile criminal case in 1995, though he was later acquitted due to lack of evidence. Samrat Choudhary's mother Parvati Devi was also politically active and was elected as an MLA from Tarapur in a 1998 by-election. Among his siblings, Rohit Choudhary is associated with the JD(U) and is active in the education sector, while Dharmendra Choudhary is engaged in social work. His wife, Mamta Kumari, has also been actively involved during election campaigns. The family includes a son Pranay and a daughter Charu Priya. Choudhary entered active politics in 1990, beginning his career with the RJD. In 1999, he became Agriculture Minister in the Rabri Devi government, though his appointment was mired in controversy over his age, eventually forcing him to step down. He later parted ways with the RJD, moved to the JD(U), and ultimately joined the BJP. Since 2018, his stature within the BJP has steadily grown, culminating in his appointment as the party's Bihar state president in 2022. Controversy Man With the beginning of his new innings in the BJP, Choudhary once again found himself in the spotlight, this time over questions surrounding his educational qualifications. Allegations regarding the validity of the degree mentioned in his election affidavit became part of political discourse. The opposition, particularly Prashant Kishor, raised the issue forcefully during the elections. However, the controversy failed to gain substantive traction and remained confined to political rhetoric, with no significant impact on electoral outcomes. Hailing from the Tarapur region of Munger district, Choudhary's identity is deeply rooted in this region. Historically influential, the region has provided a strong social and political base for both him and his family. Belonging to the Kushwaha (Koeri) community, he represents a crucial social base in Bihar's caste equations. This makes his role significant in the 'Lav-Kush' (Kurmi-Koeri) political dynamic that has shaped the state's politics for decades. Sharp Turns Choudhary's political journey has been marked by sharp turns and contradictions. At one stage, he was among the fiercest critics of Nitish Kumar, even declaring that he would not remove his traditional 'Muraitha' (a kind of turban) until Kumar was unseated from power. Yet, as political equations shifted, Choudhary not only consolidated his position within the BJP but also emerged as a key figure in power-sharing arrangements with Nitish Kumar. After 2020, when Sushil Kumar Modi was moved to national politics, new opportunities opened up for Choudhary. He became a member of the Legislative Council, later served as Leader of the Opposition, and eventually rose to become state president. His political stature further expanded when, following Nitish Kumar's return to the NDA, Choudhary was entrusted with the dual roles of Deputy Chief Minister and Home Minister, which is an unprecedented move in Bihar's political framework. Despite his rise, controversies have not been entirely absent from his career. Questions regarding his age and educational qualifications surfaced intermittently, though their long-term political impact remained limited. Today, Samrat Choudhary stands at the center of Bihar's political stage. His ascent is not merely the result of personal ambition but the outcome of a deep political legacy, an understanding of social dynamics, and strong organisational acumen. The real test now lies in how he transforms this legacy into effective governance and development. Strengthening law and order and meeting public expectations will be crucial. The people of Bihar are watching closely, and only time will determine how successfully he rises to the occasion.

Scholarships that go nowhere

Maharashtra’s bureaucratic drift is turning a flagship foreign-study scheme into a machine for wasting talent.

For a government that talks grandly of global exposure and human capital, the foreign merit scholarship scheme run by the Higher and Technical Education Department has acquired an unfortunate reputation. It raises hopes early, dashes them late and teaches students a brutal lesson in administrative indifference.


The scheme’s purpose is admirable. It is meant to help meritorious students from economically weak backgrounds pursue higher education abroad, acquiring skills and experience that India itself struggles to provide at scale. In theory, it is an investment in social mobility and national capability. Yet, in practice, it has become an annual exercise in delay, uncertainty and loss.


Dashed Hopes

Consider the most recent selection cycle. Of the 40 scholarships officially on offer, a final list of only 24 students was published. More striking still, just 82 applications were received from across the entire state. For a programme aimed at one of India’s most aspirational cohorts, those numbers are alarm bells. They suggest not a shortage of talent, but a collapse of confidence. Students are voting with their feet or rather, not applying at all.


Timing makes matters worse. The final list was released as the 2025 academic year was already drawing to a close. Even successful candidates can no longer take up admission abroad in the current cycle. They lose an entire academic year, through no fault of their own. And this is not a one-off aberration. It has become the norm.


Every year, advertisements are issued late. Selection procedures crawl. Senior-level meetings are postponed. Budgetary approvals lag behind the academic calendar they are meant to serve. The consequences are predictable and punishing. Students who should be boarding flights are left waiting for files to move between desks.


The contrast with other departments is telling. Students supported by the Social Welfare Department, the Bahujan Welfare Department and the Sarathi scholarship scheme are already well into their studies abroad. Their selections were completed on time; their funding aligned with university calendars. The difference is not merely financial. It is administrative competence.


The state government has, on paper, adopted a common and comprehensive policy for all foreign scholarship schemes. Yet implementation varies wildly. In the Higher and Technical Education Department’s case, there are no binding timelines, no clearly assigned responsibility, and no penalties for delay. Accountability dissolves into process. The cost is borne entirely by students - academically, financially and psychologically.


Outreach is another weak link. The scheme barely reaches colleges and universities. There is little systematic publicity, no regular guidance camps, and scant counselling for prospective applicants navigating the complexities of foreign admissions. Unsurprisingly, awareness is low and misinformation high. Over time, word spreads that the process is unreliable. Applications dry up. Trust evaporates.


Sclerotic Administration

The numbers tell a quiet story of decline. When the scheme was launched in 2018–19, ten students were sent abroad each year. That figure has since been raised to 40 - on paper at least. In reality, the number of beneficiaries has stagnated. Capacity has expanded without the administrative spine needed to support it.


The paradox is painful. Crores of rupees lie allocated, yet eligible students remain grounded because files move too slowly. An entire academic year can be lost to procedural inertia. This is not just a personal setback for a student; it is a collective failure to convert public money into public good.


What makes the situation more troubling is the absence of urgency. There is little evidence that the administration treats these delays as a crisis. Without fixed deadlines or consequences, postponement becomes routine. The scheme drifts, year after year, from one missed intake to the next.


A foreign scholarship should be a launchpad. Instead, this one has become a holding pen. Unless timeliness, transparency and accountability are built into its operation, it will continue to do the opposite of what it promises: denying opportunity rather than creating it. For a state that aspires to put its students on the global stage, that is an oddly self-defeating choice.


(The writer is a lawyer and president, Student Helping Hands. Views personal.)

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