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By:

Akhilesh Sinha

25 June 2025 at 2:53:54 pm

From legacy to leadership

Samrat Choudhary's ascent reflects legacy, caste dynamics, and political shifts Patna:  The rise of Samrat Choudhary in Bihar's political landscape is not merely the story of an individual's success, but a reflection of a long political tradition, evolving social equations, and shifting power dynamics over time. Following his election as the leader of the Bharatiya Janata Party's legislative wing, his elevation to the chief minister's office appears almost certain, which is marking a decisive...

From legacy to leadership

Samrat Choudhary's ascent reflects legacy, caste dynamics, and political shifts Patna:  The rise of Samrat Choudhary in Bihar's political landscape is not merely the story of an individual's success, but a reflection of a long political tradition, evolving social equations, and shifting power dynamics over time. Following his election as the leader of the Bharatiya Janata Party's legislative wing, his elevation to the chief minister's office appears almost certain, which is marking a decisive milestone in a political journey spanning more than three and half decades. Over the years, his political journey traversed multiple parties, including the Congress, Samata Party, Rashtriya Janata Dal, Janata Dal (United), and Hindustani Awam Morcha. His name did surface in a high-profile criminal case in 1995, though he was later acquitted due to lack of evidence. Samrat Choudhary's mother Parvati Devi was also politically active and was elected as an MLA from Tarapur in a 1998 by-election. Among his siblings, Rohit Choudhary is associated with the JD(U) and is active in the education sector, while Dharmendra Choudhary is engaged in social work. His wife, Mamta Kumari, has also been actively involved during election campaigns. The family includes a son Pranay and a daughter Charu Priya. Choudhary entered active politics in 1990, beginning his career with the RJD. In 1999, he became Agriculture Minister in the Rabri Devi government, though his appointment was mired in controversy over his age, eventually forcing him to step down. He later parted ways with the RJD, moved to the JD(U), and ultimately joined the BJP. Since 2018, his stature within the BJP has steadily grown, culminating in his appointment as the party's Bihar state president in 2022. Controversy Man With the beginning of his new innings in the BJP, Choudhary once again found himself in the spotlight, this time over questions surrounding his educational qualifications. Allegations regarding the validity of the degree mentioned in his election affidavit became part of political discourse. The opposition, particularly Prashant Kishor, raised the issue forcefully during the elections. However, the controversy failed to gain substantive traction and remained confined to political rhetoric, with no significant impact on electoral outcomes. Hailing from the Tarapur region of Munger district, Choudhary's identity is deeply rooted in this region. Historically influential, the region has provided a strong social and political base for both him and his family. Belonging to the Kushwaha (Koeri) community, he represents a crucial social base in Bihar's caste equations. This makes his role significant in the 'Lav-Kush' (Kurmi-Koeri) political dynamic that has shaped the state's politics for decades. Sharp Turns Choudhary's political journey has been marked by sharp turns and contradictions. At one stage, he was among the fiercest critics of Nitish Kumar, even declaring that he would not remove his traditional 'Muraitha' (a kind of turban) until Kumar was unseated from power. Yet, as political equations shifted, Choudhary not only consolidated his position within the BJP but also emerged as a key figure in power-sharing arrangements with Nitish Kumar. After 2020, when Sushil Kumar Modi was moved to national politics, new opportunities opened up for Choudhary. He became a member of the Legislative Council, later served as Leader of the Opposition, and eventually rose to become state president. His political stature further expanded when, following Nitish Kumar's return to the NDA, Choudhary was entrusted with the dual roles of Deputy Chief Minister and Home Minister, which is an unprecedented move in Bihar's political framework. Despite his rise, controversies have not been entirely absent from his career. Questions regarding his age and educational qualifications surfaced intermittently, though their long-term political impact remained limited. Today, Samrat Choudhary stands at the center of Bihar's political stage. His ascent is not merely the result of personal ambition but the outcome of a deep political legacy, an understanding of social dynamics, and strong organisational acumen. The real test now lies in how he transforms this legacy into effective governance and development. Strengthening law and order and meeting public expectations will be crucial. The people of Bihar are watching closely, and only time will determine how successfully he rises to the occasion.

CBSE’s 2026 Overhaul: Big Policy, Uneven Ground

The government’s school reform agenda promises transformation, but delivery gaps in staffing, infrastructure and funding threaten to blunt its impact.

India’s school education system is undergoing its most significant structural change in a decade. From the 2026-27 academic session, the Central Board of Secondary Education (CBSE) is implementing three reforms simultaneously: a mandatory third language from Class 6, computational thinking (CT) and artificial intelligence (AI) integrated into the curriculum from Class 3, and a multidisciplinary, flexible subject structure for Classes 9 and above. All three are anchored in the National Education Policy (NEP) 2020 and the National Curriculum Framework for School Education (NCFSE) 2023. The policy direction is clear. The delivery conditions are not.


Operation Challenge

Under the revised framework, CBSE introduces a structured three-language system with levels labelled R1, R2, and R3. At least two of the three languages must be Indian. A third language becomes compulsory from Class 6 this session. R3-level textbooks are being introduced in Class 6 in 2026-27 and will extend progressively to Class 10 by 2030-31. The first cohort to adopt this full framework will sit their Class 10 board exams in 2031. CBSE has also expanded its language offerings, adding Santhali, Maithili, Dogri, and Konkani at the secondary level, bringing its total language list to 44. 


The operational challenge is different in character from the policy objective. Language teacher supply is uneven across regions, and the gap is widest in states where particular Indian languages have limited instructional presence. Many private schools have historically offered a restricted set of languages, shaped by parent demand and available faculty rather than any national language policy. The mandate now requires them to identify, notify, and operationalise a third language within the current session. There is no separately funded mechanism for teacher recruitment or material development. 


Schools in states where particular Indian languages are not widely taught face a direct structural bottleneck. A school in Tamil Nadu choosing Santhali as its third language, for instance, has no established teacher pipeline to draw from. The CBSE circular mandates compliance. The resourcing pathway remains each school's own responsibility. For schools with larger budgets, this is a planning problem. For institutions operating on thin margins, it is a structural constraint with no obvious resolution within the current timeline.


On April 1, 2026, Union Education Minister Dharmendra Pradhan launched the CT and AI curriculum for Classes 3 to 8. The curriculum focuses on logical reasoning, problem-solving, pattern recognition, and data literacy. It is not a standalone subject for this age group. CT and AI concepts are integrated across existing subjects through project-based activities and interdisciplinary learning, with all assessment being internal and activity-based. For Classes 3 to 5, delivery is through puzzles, games, and storytelling. Classes 6 to 8 move into foundational AI concepts and structured computational thinking. CT and AI will become a compulsory module in Classes 9 and 10 from 2027-28, with the first board examination in 2029. 


The pedagogical rationale is defensible. What the design does not resolve is who delivers this content, at what depth, and with what sustained preparation. Speaking at a stakeholder consultation on October 29, 2025, Sanjay Kumar, Secretary, Department of School Education and Literacy, acknowledged the scale directly: training over one crore teachers to deliver AI-related education is the central implementation hurdle. Teacher training is to be delivered through the NISHTHA programme via the DIKSHA platform, using grade-specific video-based modules. 


At the school level, CBSE requires schools to organise district-level workshops individually or through Sahodaya School Complexes. For regional orientation programmes through Centres of Excellence, teachers register online by paying a fee of Rs 700 per session. A paid registration requirement and one-day offline workshops do not constitute sustained pedagogical transformation. The teachers who will deliver CT and AI to Class 3 students are, in most schools, generalists handling mathematics and environmental studies. There is no current requirement for a specialised CT or AI qualification at the primary level.


Over 18,000 CBSE schools currently deliver a 15-hour Skilling for AI Readiness (SOAR) module for Classes 6 to 8 on a voluntary basis. The 2026-27 mandate makes CT and AI compulsory, starts three years younger, and embeds it across subjects rather than treating it as a standalone elective.The shift in scope is significant. The shift in teacher preparation has not kept pace.


Flexible Curriculum

For students entering Class 9 in 2026-27, CBSE is introducing an optional advanced-level paper in both mathematics and science. All students take the standard 80-mark paper. Those opting for the advanced track take an additional 25-mark, one-hour paper. Students scoring above 50 percent receive a separate notation on their marksheet, with no penalty for lower performance and no effect on the aggregate. Art education, physical education and wellbeing, vocational education, and interdisciplinary studies are now all compulsory. Vocational education will include a compulsory board exam from 2027-28. The first board examinations under the new Class 9 scheme will be held in 2028. 

 

Flexibility at the curricular level requires matching capacity at the institutional level. Schools must manage timetable complexity, teacher allocation across two levels of the same subject, and assessment design for multiple new mandatory areas. Smaller private schools and semi-urban institutions face these demands without additional staffing budgets or infrastructure support. A school running two concurrent levels of mathematics in Class 9 needs either two teachers or one teacher with the preparation and time to deliver both. Neither condition is guaranteed.

 

The compulsory board examination for vocational education from 2027-28 adds a further layer. Vocational subjects require domain-trained faculty, workshop infrastructure, and industry linkages for practical assessment. Government schools in some states have built these linkages over time through Skill India partnerships. Private schools, particularly at the smaller end, have not. The reform assumes a baseline capacity that exists unevenly across the 27,000-plus affiliated school network.

 

Unresolved Question

None of the official communications address financing mechanisms at the school level. The identifiable cost components are: recruitment of additional language teachers, teacher training for CT and AI delivery, digital infrastructure and learning resources, new NCERT textbooks across multiple new subjects, and internal assessment redesign. CBSE has more than 27,000 affiliated schools in India, the majority private.In the private school sector, transition costs that are not separately funded translate, over time, into fee revisions. Parents absorb what institutions cannot independently fund. This follows from how private school financing has operated across previous reform cycles.

 

Government schools face a different version of the same problem. State education budgets are already stretched across mid-day meal programmes, infrastructure maintenance, and teacher salaries. The CBSE reforms impose new demands on school management systems without ring-fencing funds for the transition. Teacher training through DIKSHA is free for the teacher but not cost-free for the system: time spent in training is time away from classrooms, and online module completion rates on the platform have been inconsistent across states.

 

The CBSE 2026 reforms move Indian school education toward multilingual competence, early technological literacy, and assessed applied skills. The direction is consistent with NEP 2020. Three structural gaps remain: teacher readiness requires investment far beyond episodic workshops; infrastructure capacity varies significantly across the 27,000-plus affiliated school network; and financing mechanisms for the transition are unaddressed, with the cost burden falling on institutions and, ultimately, on households. Whether the reform’s ambition reaches students evenly will depend less on the policy design and more on whether these three gaps receive the same attention as the curriculum itself.


(The author is an independent public policy researcher who writes on political economy, climate, and the ethics of everyday systems. Views personal.)

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