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By:

Quaid Najmi

4 January 2025 at 3:26:24 pm

YouTuber challenges FIR, LoC in HC

Mumbai : The Bombay High Court issued notice to the state government on a petition filed by UK-based medico and YouTuber, Dr. Sangram Patil, seeking to quash a Mumbai Police FIR and revoking a Look Out Circular in a criminal case lodged against him, on Thursday.   Justice Ashwin D. Bhobe, who heard the matter with preliminary submissions from both sides, sought a response from the state government and posted the matter for Feb. 4.   Maharashtra Advocate-General Milind Sathe informed the court...

YouTuber challenges FIR, LoC in HC

Mumbai : The Bombay High Court issued notice to the state government on a petition filed by UK-based medico and YouTuber, Dr. Sangram Patil, seeking to quash a Mumbai Police FIR and revoking a Look Out Circular in a criminal case lodged against him, on Thursday.   Justice Ashwin D. Bhobe, who heard the matter with preliminary submissions from both sides, sought a response from the state government and posted the matter for Feb. 4.   Maharashtra Advocate-General Milind Sathe informed the court that the state would file its reply within a week in the matter.   Indian-origin Dr. Patil, hailing from Jalgaon, is facing a criminal case here for posting allegedly objectionable content involving Bharatiya Janata Party leaders on social media.   After his posts on a FB page, ‘Shehar Vikas Aghadi’, a Mumbai BJP media cell functionary lodged a criminal complaint following which the NM Joshi Marg Police registered a FIR (Dec. 18, 2025) and subsequently issued a LoC against Dr. Patil, restricting his travels.   The complainant Nikhil Bhamre filed the complaint in December 2025, contending that Dr. Patil on Dec. 14 posted offensive content intended to spread ‘disinformation and falsehoods’ about the BJP and its leaders, including Prime Minister Narendra Modi.   Among others, the police invoked BNSS Sec. 353(2) that attracts a 3-year jail term for publishing or circulating statements or rumours through electronic media with intent to promote enmity or hatred between communities.   Based on the FIR, Dr. Patil was detained and questioned for 15 hours when he arrived with his wife from London at Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj International Airport (Jan. 10), and again prevented from returning to Manchester, UK on Jan. 19 in view of the ongoing investigations.   On Wednesday (Jan. 21) Dr. Patil recorded his statement before the Mumbai Police and now he has moved the high court. Besides seeking quashing of the FIR and the LoC, he has sought removal of his name from the database imposing restrictions on his international travels.   Through his Senior Advocate Sudeep Pasbola, the medico has sought interim relief in the form of a stay on further probe by Crime Branch-III and coercive action, restraint on filing any charge-sheet during the pendency of the petition and permission to go back to the UK.   Pasbola submitted to the court that Dr. Patil had voluntarily travelled from the UK to India and was unaware of the FIR when he landed here. Sathe argued that Patil had appeared in connection with other posts and was not fully cooperating with the investigators.

Shifting Alliances

Saudi Arabia’s defence pact with Pakistan signals a new phase in Gulf-South Asian security.

Islamabad and Riyadh recently formalised a defence agreement whose origins stretch back more than half a century. Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif, Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman, and Pakistani Army Chief Asim Munir presided over a ceremony that yielded an unusually stark declaration: any aggression against either country would be treated as aggression against both. In a region defined by overlapping rivalries, the pact is a recalibration of strategic commitments.

 

Pakistan and Saudi Arabia have long shared military intimacy. Pakistani troops were sent to the kingdom in the late 1960s amid regional instability stemming from Egypt’s intervention in Yemen, a precursor to decades of cooperative arrangements. That partnership deepened after the 1979 Grand Mosque seizure in Mecca, when Pakistani special forces provided critical tactical support. By 1982, a formal Bilateral Security Cooperation Agreement institutionalised the relationship, allowing Pakistani deployments on Saudi soil, arms transfers, and advisory roles, while embedding Islamabad in Riyadh’s defence planning.

 

This latest pact is the first explicit mutual-defence agreement with a nuclear-armed partner, elevating the stakes of a historically discreet alliance. Its timing is significant: Israel’s strike in Qatar, Iran’s growing regional assertiveness, and U.S. uncertainty in the Gulf have created a security vacuum.

 

For Saudi Arabia, the deal is a hedge against Iranian influence, Houthi attacks in Yemen, and the destabilising effects of Israeli–Arab hostilities, while signalling a willingness to assert regional autonomy independent of Washington. For Pakistan, it offers fiscal relief through Saudi investment while bolstering Islamabad’s claim to pan-Islamic security leadership and strengthening its hand in nuclear deterrence dynamics. Analysts suggest the pact may enable Pakistan to purchase American weapons financed indirectly by Riyadh, sidestepping political hurdles in Washington.

 

The pact cannot be disentangled from the Indo-Pak rivalry, which remains the primary determinant of Pakistan’s strategic calculations. Earlier this year, Operation Sindoor saw Indian forces strike deep inside Pakistan-administered territory, inflicting severe damage on Pakistani military infrastructure.

 

Yet, the pact complicates Riyadh’s relationship with New Delhi. India has cultivated deep economic, strategic, and energy ties with Saudi Arabia, with bilateral trade hitting nearly USD 43 billion in fiscal 2023–24. Successive high-level visits, from King Abdullah in 2006 to PM Narendra Modi in 2016, have cemented a strategic partnership. Riyadh has historically sought to mediate Indo-Pakistani tensions, condemning terrorism without criticizing Indian policy. A formal defence alignment with Pakistan risks tilting the kingdom’s neutrality, creating latent friction with India.

 

Saudi Arabia’s defence posture now touches upon the nuclear equation in South Asia, where Pakistan’s capabilities counterbalance India’s conventional superiority. In a wider context, the pact demonstrates how Middle Eastern and South Asian security architectures are intertwined, with conflicts in one region reverberating in the other.

 

For Islamabad, the deal consolidates decades of military diplomacy. Since the Cold War, Pakistan has positioned itself as a security provider for the Muslim world, with Riyadh as a consistent patron. Economically, Saudi backing can relieve pressure on Pakistan’s shrinking foreign-exchange reserves, while politically, it allows Islamabad to project influence without appearing entirely dependent on Washington. Historically, such alignments have been double-edged: Pakistan’s Cold War entanglements yielded short-term gains but deepened confrontation with India and drew Islamabad into Afghanistan’s quagmire. Saudi Arabia has oscillated between caution and assertiveness, from the 1991 Gulf War to interventions in Yemen, highlighting the risks inherent in formalised defence commitments.

 

India’s response has been measured but wary. Yet the subtext is clear: a nuclear-armed Pakistan bound to a major Gulf power alters regional deterrence and complicates New Delhi’s strategic calculations. It could shift the balance of influence in the Indian Ocean and Arabian Peninsula.

 

The Saudi-Pakistani pact is a signal of the persistent relevance of historical ties, the fragility of regional balances, and the tangled web of interests linking South Asia, the Gulf, and the wider Middle East, where rivalries between Iran, Israel, and the United States intersect with South Asian fault lines. For Islamabad, it is a victory in prestige and finance. For Riyadh, a hedge against uncertainty.

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