top of page

By:

Quaid Najmi

4 January 2025 at 3:26:24 pm

Tibetan refugees protest in Mumbai

Supporters from the Tibetan Youth Congress react during a protest at Azad Maidan in Mumbai on Monday against China's new ethnic unity law. Pic: Bhushan Koyande Mumbai: Over 250 Tibetan refugees, activists and members of the Friends of Tibet took out a rally and demonstrated near the Chinese Consulate in Mumbai as part of an international action to protest against China’s new Ethnic Unity and Progress Promotion Law (EUPPL). The Tibetans living in Mumbai were joined by other protestors from...

Tibetan refugees protest in Mumbai

Supporters from the Tibetan Youth Congress react during a protest at Azad Maidan in Mumbai on Monday against China's new ethnic unity law. Pic: Bhushan Koyande Mumbai: Over 250 Tibetan refugees, activists and members of the Friends of Tibet took out a rally and demonstrated near the Chinese Consulate in Mumbai as part of an international action to protest against China’s new Ethnic Unity and Progress Promotion Law (EUPPL). The Tibetans living in Mumbai were joined by other protestors from Bhandara (Maharashtra) and Mundgod (Karnataka) and a relay hunger strike was also taken up the Tibetan Youth Congress (TYC) in Dharamshala, Himachal Pradesh, said Coordinator, Tenzin Tsundue. The day started with a silent rally from Rajgriha, the home of the late Dr. B. R. Ambedkar to his memorial, Chaityabhoomi, both in Dadar. Another rally-cum-demonstration was carried out near Nariman Point where the Chinese Consulate is located and at the Azad Maidan, said Tsundue. “We carried out a peaceful protest at Nariman Point and wanted to go and submit a memorandum to the Chinese Consul-General. However, the police prevented us, detained a few Tibetans and sent them back to Azad Maidan,” Tsundue told ‘The Perfect Voice’, from the venue. He said that Tibetans and others like Uyghurs are strongly opposed to the new law which came into effect last week, despite criticism from the United Nations Organisation (UNO), Taiwan, TYC and human rights groups worldwide. Their prime concerns are that the (EUPPL) could place further restrictions on the minorities’ rights, deepen assimilation policies targeting the ethnic groups and dilute the protection to their respective languages, cultures and traditions. China’s Denial One provision is said to allow individuals to be held accountable for alleged violations of the Chinese laws even outside the country, raising apprehensions it could target the government’s critics or campaigners abroad. However, China has rubbished all allegations of rights abuses against the ethnic minority group, and reiterated that its policies aim to promote social stability, security and economic development for all. Unconvinced, Tibetans and Uyghurs have urged the international community to build pressure on China to strike down the EUPPL as “it aims to erase the minority communities”. The Mainland Affairs Council of Taiwan has argued that Taiwanese are already facing high risks travelling to China and now the country has “yet another law to fabricate charges”, and it could deploy it “to further suppress and prosecute human rights activists”. TYC slams China The TYC said that the international action today was dedicated to the memory of the supreme sacrifice of Lobga Rangzen who self-immolated himself outside the UN Headquarters in New York on July 2 to draw the world’s attention to the cause of Tibet. Rejecting the new law, the TYC said: “This legislation is not a law of unity but a political instrument to force assimilation of nations living under Chinese occupation, like Tibet, East Turkestan, Southern Mongolia, and Manchuria. Behind the language of ‘ethnic unity’ lies an agenda of Unilateral control by institutionalising policies aimed at assimilating Tibetans through political domination.” It accused China of attempts “to erase national identities by suppressing distinct languages, undermining religious institutions, rewriting history, destroying cultural heritage, separating children from their communities through state run colonial boarding schools, and replacing distinct identities with loyalty to the Chinese Communist Party”.

Short Circuits

Priyank Kharge’s gaffe over semiconductor investments exposes not just Congress’s tone-deafness, but its failure to grasp India’s new industrial geography.

Assam
Assam

India’s race to join the global semiconductor club was never going to be easy. Building chip fabs requires billions in investment and, above all, political will. Yet, amid this high-stakes competition, the Congress party has managed to turn a debate about national industrial policy into an episode of regional insult. Priyank Kharge, Karnataka’s minister for IT and Biotechnology and son of Congress president Mallikarjun Kharge sparked outrage when he questioned why the Centre was steering semiconductor investments toward Gujarat and Assam. “What is there in Gujarat and Assam? Is there talent there?” he asked in a tone more suited to a colonial official than a national leader.


Kharge’s tactless remark betrayed the intellectual bankruptcy of a party that once prided itself on building India’s industrial modernity. He later clarified that he was criticising the alleged “arm-twisting” of companies that preferred Karnataka, which boasts India’s most mature tech ecosystem. But his explanation rang hollow. What might have been framed as a legitimate argument about industrial efficiency instead came across as a sneer at India’s peripheries.


The BJP, quick to seize the moment, needed no better foil. Assam’s voluble chief minister, HimantaBiswaSarma, called Kharge a “first-class idiot” and threatened legal action. While Sarma’s theatrics are familiar, Congress once again made itself the butt of a national controversy. The party’s reflex to personalise policy debates, to couch everything in grievance and entitlement, has cost it both credibility and coherence. Priyank Kharge’s outburst could have been avoided had the Congress leadership been capable of enforcing even basic message discipline. But with the party chief himself being the minister’s father, discipline gave way to dynastic indulgence.


The Congress’s blunder reveals its outdated mental map of India’s economy. The assumption that only Bengaluru or the southern metropolises deserve high-value industry is both factually wrong and politically suicidal. New industrial clusters are emerging in places long dismissed as ‘peripheral.’ Gujarat, for all its controversies, offers formidable infrastructure, ports and power reliability.


Assam, under Sarma, has aggressively courted logistics and electronics firms to diversify its economy beyond tea and oil. India’s industrial geography is being rewritten, but the Congress seems unwilling to read the new map.


That stubbornness is rooted in the party’s complacency. For decades, Congress leaders have treated industrial investment as a reward for political loyalty, not a function of competitive policy. Karnataka’s IT success, which Priyank Kharge so readily brandishes, owes more to private entrepreneurship and the momentum of global capital than to state or central planning. Yet, Congress continues to confuse legacy with entitlement. The result is a tone-deaf politics that alienates precisely those constituencies it once claimed to represent: the aspiring middle class and the young workforce.


The semiconductor episode has also exposed the elder Kharge’s inability to command moral authority. Mallikarjun Kharge’s silence on his son’s remarks suggests a leadership unwilling to confront its own. This is the malaise that has hollowed out the Congress from within.


Meanwhile, the BJP has skilfully turned industrial policy into political narrative. Every new semiconductor announcement is portrayed as proof of India’s rising technological sovereignty under Narendra Modi.


Whether or not those fabs eventually roll out chips, they have already yielded electoral dividends. Congress, by contrast, has become the party of complaints by forever protesting bias and never offering vision.


If Congress wished to challenge the government, it could have argued that India’s semiconductor push needs stronger coordination between states, universities and private investors. It could have called for a transparent evaluation of why earlier proposals in Karnataka and Tamil Nadu stumbled. Instead, Priyank Kharge’s rhetoric reduced a strategic debate to a parochial quarrel.


In politics, as in electronics, circuits need to be connected for the system to work. The Congress’s circuitry, alas, remains shorted by ego, dynasty and decay. In the race to make India a semiconductor power, Congress has managed only to prove its unrivalled talent for self-sabotage.

Comments


bottom of page