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By:

Quad Najmi and PTI

17 June 2026 at 5:11:32 pm

Uddhav faces another rebellion; decision today

Six Lok Sabha MPs trying to move away; picture may be clear at today’s Parliamentary party meeting in New Delhi AI generated image Mumbai: A cloak-and-dagger crisis engulfing the Uddhav Thackeray-led Shiv Sena has landed at the door of the Lok Sabha Speaker, with the party urging him to guard against any unlawful defection and issuing a whip directing its MPs to attend a meeting in Delhi on Thursday. Amid the escalating crisis, a group of rebel Shiv Sena (UBT) leaders is learnt to have met...

Uddhav faces another rebellion; decision today

Six Lok Sabha MPs trying to move away; picture may be clear at today’s Parliamentary party meeting in New Delhi AI generated image Mumbai: A cloak-and-dagger crisis engulfing the Uddhav Thackeray-led Shiv Sena has landed at the door of the Lok Sabha Speaker, with the party urging him to guard against any unlawful defection and issuing a whip directing its MPs to attend a meeting in Delhi on Thursday. Amid the escalating crisis, a group of rebel Shiv Sena (UBT) leaders is learnt to have met Speaker Om Birla informally on Wednesday, claiming the support of six of the party's nine MPs in the Lower House, sources said. Thursday's high-stakes meeting in Delhi will legally and physically define whether Uddhav Thackeray retains his parliamentary strength or faces another devastating party division, the third since Raj Thackeray split Shiv Sena in 2006. Sources in Sena (UBT) said the rival camp still doesn't have the support of six MPs. They claim two of the six rebels have reportedly changed their mind. In a swift counter-offensive to contain the damage, the party high command issued a mandatory three-line whip, summoning an emergency parliamentary party meeting in New Delhi on Thursday to force a physical showdown where the MPs will have to mark their presence physically. The developments triggered a day of high political drama in the national capital, marked by a furious, expletive-laden press conference by Raut, a reported counter-meeting by the rebel faction with Lok Sabha Speaker Birla, and sharp condemnation from the Congress. The internal fracture was visible at Sanjay Raut's press briefing, where only three other Lok Sabha MPs, Arvind Sawant, Anil Desai, and Rajabhau Waje, stood by him. The remaining six lawmakers were conspicuously absent; their exact whereabouts are unknown. The Sena (UBT) has nine MPs in the Lok Sabha, and at least two‑thirds of them would be required to form a separate group. Apart from Desai, Waje and Sawant, the other six MPs are Sanjay Patil, Sanjay Deshmukh, Omprakash Raje Nimbalkar, Bhausaheb Wakchaure, Nagesh Patil-Ashtikar and Sanjay Jadhav Not Reachable The six MPs stopped responding or became unavailable since Wednesday forenoon, after which the party stopped contacting them. They said when the party contacted Mumbai North East MP, Sanjay Dina Patil, he told party leaders that he was not with the rebel group. The party had asked them to submit a letter to the Lok Sabha Speaker, which he has not submitted so far. Later in the day, sources claimed that the group of six rebel lawmakers had privately met the Lok Sabha Speaker to claim a two-thirds majority in the Lower House, the precise threshold required to escape disqualification under the anti-defection law. Simultaneously, Deputy Chief Minister Eknath Shinde, who split the undivided Shiv Sena in 2022, was reportedly camping in Delhi to oversee the operational layout of the defection of MPs. He returned to his home town Thane in Wednesday night. He is reportedly studying all the legal aspects before taking a final call before the party’s foundation day on Friday. Speaker’s Role Following reports of the rebels' move, a loyalist delegation consisting of Raut, Sawant, and Desai rushed to meet Speaker Birla to file a formal representation urging him to reject any unlawful group alignment. Desai argued that the legal provisions are strictly on the side of the original organisational structure. "Under the law, a splinter group cannot simply merge with another party on its own, even if they have two-thirds support. Only the original administrative party holds that right," Desai told reporters, adding that the Speaker assured them he would thoroughly examine every legal aspect before rendering a decision. The widening panic inside the party also triggered a public, familial disconnect involving missing Hingoli MP Nagesh Patil-Ashtikar. While the MP remained unreachable, his son, Krushna Patil Ashtikar, the MVA's official candidate for Thursday's Maharashtra Legislative Council elections, released a video statement strongly defending Uddhav Thackeray. "I am a Shiv Sainik of Uddhav Thackeray. There is no room for doubt when it comes to me," the younger Ashtikar stated.

Silencing Separatism

Decades of defiance unravel as former separatists line up to pledge loyalty to India’s constitution.

Jammu and Kashmir
Jammu and Kashmir

For three decades, the Hurriyat Conference held the Valley in a stranglehold, dictating terms to both Srinagar and New Delhi. From enforcing shutdowns to legitimising Pakistan-backed militancy, it was the self-appointed custodian of Kashmiri separatism. Yet today, the once-feared conglomerate of separatist leaders is a relic of the past with its members dead, incarcerated or, as recent events show, scrambling to sever all ties with the cause. The Narendra Modi government, with Amit Shah as its enforcer, has done what previous administrations hesitated to do: dismantle the Hurriyat’s influence with a ruthless efficiency that has redrawn Kashmir’s political landscape.


The most striking indication of this shift came this week when Shahid Saleem, former Hurriyat Conference leader and chairman of the Jammu and Kashmir People’s Movement (JKPM), publicly renounced separatism. Declaring his allegiance to India’s Constitution, Saleem announced that both he and his organisation had “no connection or affiliation with either APHC(G) or APHC(A) or any of their constituents or any other entity pursuing separatist or similar such agenda.” His statement, which included a legal warning against those who might associate him with the Hurriyat, marked a dramatic break from his past. It was swiftly followed by a similar declaration from Advocate Mohammad Shafi Reshi, a former chairman of the Democratic Political Movement (DPM) and a member of Tehreek-e-Hurriyat. He, too, cited the Hurriyat’s failure to address the legitimate aspirations of Kashmiris and pledged loyalty to India’s Constitution.


As Shah noted in a triumphant post on X, the Modi government’s policies have “tossed separatism out of J&K.” The prescribed disassociation form now required from former Hurriyat members compels them to renounce separatist politics in writing and pledge that neither they nor their organisations have “any inclination or sympathy for the ideology of All Parties Hurriyat Conference (APHC).” The message is clear: separatism is no longer a viable political position in Kashmir. The government has ensured that those who once thrived on defiance must now make a choice and publicly reject their past affiliations or risk legal consequences.


The crackdown on the Hurriyat is part of a broader strategy to reshape Kashmir’s political and security environment. Alongside detaining separatist leaders, the Modi government has dismantled Jamaat-e-Islami, a powerful Islamist organisation linked to militant groups. It has aggressively pursued counterinsurgency operations, reducing terrorism-related incidents and neutralising key militant commanders. Economic measures, such as the promotion of tourism and infrastructure development, have further weakened the separatist cause. The government’s argument is that as the old paradigm of appeasement and dialogue has failed, a strong-handed approach is the only way to establish lasting stability.


This shift has yielded results. For the first time in decades, Kashmir is not under the shadow of separatist diktats. Shops no longer down their shutters at the Hurriyat’s command, and stone-pelting incidents have dramatically declined. Even Pakistan, long the patron of Kashmiri separatists, has toned down its rhetoric, preoccupied as it is with domestic crises and a fraying economy. The political vacuum left by the Hurriyat has also provided an opening for a new generation of leaders, albeit ones operating within the constitutional framework.


Yet, despite these successes, the BJP’s triumph is not without risks. The absence of an organised separatist movement does not necessarily mean the disappearance of separatist sentiment. Without a credible political alternative to absorb dissent, frustration could manifest in unpredictable ways, including the resurgence of underground militancy.


Nonetheless, Modi and Shah have accomplished what was once considered unthinkable by rendering the Hurriyat irrelevant. In doing so, they have rewritten the rules of engagement in Kashmir. The days when separatists dictated terms to the Indian state are over. The challenge now is to consolidate this victory, ensuring that Kashmir’s future is shaped by progress rather than repression. The battle for Kashmir’s soul is far from over, but for the first time in decades, it is New Delhi and not the Hurriyat that is calling the shots.

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