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By:

Akhilesh Sinha

25 June 2025 at 2:53:54 pm

From legacy to leadership

Samrat Choudhary's ascent reflects legacy, caste dynamics, and political shifts Patna:  The rise of Samrat Choudhary in Bihar's political landscape is not merely the story of an individual's success, but a reflection of a long political tradition, evolving social equations, and shifting power dynamics over time. Following his election as the leader of the Bharatiya Janata Party's legislative wing, his elevation to the chief minister's office appears almost certain, which is marking a decisive...

From legacy to leadership

Samrat Choudhary's ascent reflects legacy, caste dynamics, and political shifts Patna:  The rise of Samrat Choudhary in Bihar's political landscape is not merely the story of an individual's success, but a reflection of a long political tradition, evolving social equations, and shifting power dynamics over time. Following his election as the leader of the Bharatiya Janata Party's legislative wing, his elevation to the chief minister's office appears almost certain, which is marking a decisive milestone in a political journey spanning more than three and half decades. Over the years, his political journey traversed multiple parties, including the Congress, Samata Party, Rashtriya Janata Dal, Janata Dal (United), and Hindustani Awam Morcha. His name did surface in a high-profile criminal case in 1995, though he was later acquitted due to lack of evidence. Samrat Choudhary's mother Parvati Devi was also politically active and was elected as an MLA from Tarapur in a 1998 by-election. Among his siblings, Rohit Choudhary is associated with the JD(U) and is active in the education sector, while Dharmendra Choudhary is engaged in social work. His wife, Mamta Kumari, has also been actively involved during election campaigns. The family includes a son Pranay and a daughter Charu Priya. Choudhary entered active politics in 1990, beginning his career with the RJD. In 1999, he became Agriculture Minister in the Rabri Devi government, though his appointment was mired in controversy over his age, eventually forcing him to step down. He later parted ways with the RJD, moved to the JD(U), and ultimately joined the BJP. Since 2018, his stature within the BJP has steadily grown, culminating in his appointment as the party's Bihar state president in 2022. Controversy Man With the beginning of his new innings in the BJP, Choudhary once again found himself in the spotlight, this time over questions surrounding his educational qualifications. Allegations regarding the validity of the degree mentioned in his election affidavit became part of political discourse. The opposition, particularly Prashant Kishor, raised the issue forcefully during the elections. However, the controversy failed to gain substantive traction and remained confined to political rhetoric, with no significant impact on electoral outcomes. Hailing from the Tarapur region of Munger district, Choudhary's identity is deeply rooted in this region. Historically influential, the region has provided a strong social and political base for both him and his family. Belonging to the Kushwaha (Koeri) community, he represents a crucial social base in Bihar's caste equations. This makes his role significant in the 'Lav-Kush' (Kurmi-Koeri) political dynamic that has shaped the state's politics for decades. Sharp Turns Choudhary's political journey has been marked by sharp turns and contradictions. At one stage, he was among the fiercest critics of Nitish Kumar, even declaring that he would not remove his traditional 'Muraitha' (a kind of turban) until Kumar was unseated from power. Yet, as political equations shifted, Choudhary not only consolidated his position within the BJP but also emerged as a key figure in power-sharing arrangements with Nitish Kumar. After 2020, when Sushil Kumar Modi was moved to national politics, new opportunities opened up for Choudhary. He became a member of the Legislative Council, later served as Leader of the Opposition, and eventually rose to become state president. His political stature further expanded when, following Nitish Kumar's return to the NDA, Choudhary was entrusted with the dual roles of Deputy Chief Minister and Home Minister, which is an unprecedented move in Bihar's political framework. Despite his rise, controversies have not been entirely absent from his career. Questions regarding his age and educational qualifications surfaced intermittently, though their long-term political impact remained limited. Today, Samrat Choudhary stands at the center of Bihar's political stage. His ascent is not merely the result of personal ambition but the outcome of a deep political legacy, an understanding of social dynamics, and strong organisational acumen. The real test now lies in how he transforms this legacy into effective governance and development. Strengthening law and order and meeting public expectations will be crucial. The people of Bihar are watching closely, and only time will determine how successfully he rises to the occasion.

Silicon Compact

India’s decision to sign the Pax Silica declaration marks an explicit choice about where the country intends to sit in the emerging hierarchy of global power. As artificial intelligence supplants oil as the strategic resource of the age, alliances are being recast around minerals, chips and data. With this move, India has now stepped decisively into that architecture.


The declaration was signed at the India AI Impact Summit, with senior US diplomatic and economic officials and the world’s most influential technology executives all in attendance. But symbolism aside, the act binds India to a US-led coalition that seeks to re-engineer the foundations of the global technology economy. Pax Silica is not a trade pact or a research forum but an attempt to construct a parallel technological order designed explicitly to dilute China’s leverage over the inputs that will power economic growth and military strength for decades. Beijing’s near-monopoly over rare-earth processing has long been recognised as a strategic vulnerability. It became impossible to ignore when exports were briefly curtailed amid trade tensions. India learned the lesson the hard way when automakers were forced to cut output and strip features as supplies of rare-earth magnets dried up. Relief had come only after firms accepted intrusive licensing conditions.


Against this backdrop, India’s inclusion in Pax Silica is both pragmatic and revealing. Its absence from the founding list last December had raised eyebrows in New Delhi. That omission has now been corrected, reflecting Washington’s belated recognition that any credible alternative to China must include India and not merely as a market, but as a producer. The coalition covers the full technology stack, from rare-earth minerals and energy to chipmaking, data centres, fibre networks and frontier AI. Its members control the system’s key chokepoints: Australia’s mines, South Korea’s memory chips, Japan’s manufacturing depth, and the Netherlands’ monopoly on advanced lithography through ASML.


India’s appeal lies in potential rather than present capability. It holds vast rare-earth reserves that remain under-exploited. It has become a serious hub for semiconductor design, even as fabrication remains nascent. Global firms are already designing cutting-edge chips from Indian centres. For Pax Silica, India offers scale, engineering depth and a degree of political alignment. For India, the prize is access to process know-how and the GPU infrastructure that remains tightly controlled by the United States and its partners.


The strategic bargain is not cost-free. Pax Silica formalises a division of the technological world into trusted and untrusted networks. Deeper integration into US-led supply chains limits India’s freedom to hedge. For a country that prizes strategic autonomy, this poses an uncomfortable question that while alignment brings security and investment, it also constrains choice. But standing apart risks marginalisation, leaving India’s ambitions hostage to technological dependence. By signing on, India has accepted the premise of this new order. The harder task now is to ensure that it is not merely a participant in the silicon compact, but one of its architects.

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