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By:

Abhijit Mulye

21 August 2024 at 11:29:11 am

‘Bharat Ratna to Savarkar will increase its prestige’

Mumbai: Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) Sarsanghachalak Dr. Mohan Bhagwat on Sunday threw his full weight behind the long-standing demand to confer the Bharat Ratna on Swatantryaveer Vinayak Damodar Savarkar, asserting that the Hindutva ideologue’s inclusion would enhance the dignity of the country’s highest civilian honour. Bhagwat, who explained the genesis and growth of the RSS over past 100 years in two lectures at the Nehru Centre here on Saturday and Sunday, replied to several...

‘Bharat Ratna to Savarkar will increase its prestige’

Mumbai: Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) Sarsanghachalak Dr. Mohan Bhagwat on Sunday threw his full weight behind the long-standing demand to confer the Bharat Ratna on Swatantryaveer Vinayak Damodar Savarkar, asserting that the Hindutva ideologue’s inclusion would enhance the dignity of the country’s highest civilian honour. Bhagwat, who explained the genesis and growth of the RSS over past 100 years in two lectures at the Nehru Centre here on Saturday and Sunday, replied to several questions. While replying to one of the questions, he remarked, “If Swatantraveer Savarkar is given the Bharat Ratna, the prestige of the Bharat Ratna itself will increase.” He was asked, why there has been a delay in conferring the Bharat Ratna on Savarkar, in reply to which, Bhagwat said, “I am not part of that committee. But if I meet someone, I will ask. Even without that honour, he rules the hearts of millions of people.” he added. Social Divisions Bhagwat replied to questions that were clubbed in 14 different groups ranging from national security to environment, social harmony, youth, arts and sports. Whenever the questions suggested or expressed expectations that the RSS should do certain things, Bhagwat stressed on the involvement of the society and initiative from the society in resolving the problems. While addressing the critical issue of Uniform Civil Code, Bhagwat stated that the UCC should be framed by taking everyone into confidence and must not lead to social divisions. In the same way while replying to the question related to illegal migrants in the country, Bhagwat urged people to “detect and report” the “illegal infiltrators” to the police. He also urged people not to give them any employment and to be more “vigilant.” Backing SIR He highlighted that the Special Intensive Revision (SIR) exercise has already revealed the “foreigners” living in the country. “The government has a lot to do regarding infiltration. They have to detect and deport. This wasn’t happening until now, but it has started little by little, and it will gradually increase. When the census or the SIR is conducted, many people come to light who are not citizens of this country; they are automatically excluded from the process,” he said. “But we can do one thing: we can work on detection. Their language gives them away. We should detect them and report them to the appropriate authorities. We should inform the police that we suspect these people are foreigners, and they should investigate and keep an eye on them, and we will also keep an eye on them. We will not give employment to any foreigner. If someone is from our country, we will give them employment, but not to foreigners. You should be a little more vigilant and aware,” he added. SC Chief Emphasising the inclusivity of the Sangh, he said that anyone can become ‘Sarsanghchalak’ (RSS chief), including the SC and STs, as the decision is solely dependent on the work that any individual put for the organisation. “Kshatriya, Vaishya, Shudra or Brahmin does not qualify for the Sarsanghchalak position (RSS Chief), a Hindu will become the one who works and is best available. A Hindu will become, and that can also be an SC or ST. Anyone can become it depends on the work. Today, if you see, all classes have representation in the Sangh. The decision is taken on the basis of one who works and is best available,” he said. He pointed out that when the RSS was founded, its work began in a Brahmin-dominated community and hence, most of its founders were Brahmins, which led to the organisation being labelled as a Brahmin outfit at the time. People always look for an organisation that has representatives from their community, he said. “If I were to choose a chief, I would go by the ‘best available candidate’ criterion. When I was appointed RSS chief, there were many best candidates, but they were not available. I was the one who could be relieved from duties and appointed,” he said. He said that to belong to the Scheduled Caste or Scheduled Tribe communities is not a disqualification, and neither is being a Brahmin a qualification to become the RSS chief. Ready to step down if Sangh asks for Dr. Mohan Bhagwat on Sunday said the Sangh had asked him to continue working despite his age, while stressing that he would step down from the post whenever the organisation directs him to do so. “There is no election to the post of RSS chief. Regional and divisional heads appoint the chief. Generally, it is said that after turning 75, one should work without holding any post,” Bhagwat said. “I have completed 75 years and informed the RSS, but the organisation asked me to continue working. Whenever the RSS asks me to step down, I will do so, but retirement from work will never happen,” he said.

Statehood for Mithila: Political Gambit or Cultural Necessity?

Statehood for Mithila

RJD leader Rabri Devi’s renewed demand for Mithila statehood has electrified Bihar’s political discourse, spotlighting a region long celebrated for its cultural richness yet stymied by poverty and chronic neglect. By raising the prospect of statehood for Mithilanchal—a region spanning 20 districts and home to one-third of Bihar’s population—the former Chief Minister has laid down a political gauntlet, aimed squarely at the BJP-led NDA.


Her call coincides with the Centre’s release of a Maithili translation of the Constitution, a move that BJP leaders have touted as a gesture of respect for the Maithili-speaking populace.


The Mithila region is a paradox. Renowned globally for its Madhubani art and its cultural legacy, it suffers from abysmal socio-economic indicators. Recurrent floods devastate its agrarian economy, and a burgeoning population exacerbates its struggles. The demand for Mithila statehood, first articulated in 1912 during the bifurcation of Bihar from Bengal, has simmered on the margins of public discourse for decades, championed intermittently by cultural activists and regional leaders. Rabri Devi’s intervention marks the first time a senior, non-Mithila politician has embraced the cause.


The inclusion of Maithili in the Eighth Schedule in 2003 was a milestone, celebrated as the culmination of a century-long struggle for linguistic identity, championed by activists and backed by political leaders. Yet, two decades later, promises of development and cultural revival remain unfulfilled. Maithili has languished, with token measures like primary school instruction and support for the Maithili Academy falling by the wayside due to lack of funds and political will. This neglect stems from a calculated resistance to dilute Hindi’s dominance.


The Mithilanchal gambit also plays directly into Bihar’s electoral matrix. With Mithilanchal accounting for over 100 of the state’s 243 assembly seats, the RJD-led Opposition bloc is clearly eyeing a pivotal region where the BJP has a significant foothold. By championing statehood, the RJD seeks to upend the BJP’s narrative, positioning itself as the true custodian of Maithili aspirations. The BJP, which has historically touted its commitment to cultural pride—having added Maithili to the Eighth Schedule under Atal Bihari Vajpayee—may find itself on the defensive.


The call for statehood is not without its ironies. Rabri Devi’s husband, Lalu Prasad Yadav, famously opposed the creation of Jharkhand, declaring its bifurcation from Bihar would happen only over his dead body. When Jharkhand was ultimately carved out in 2000 under pressure from Congress, Lalu’s political authority was dented. Rabri Devi now faces a similar reckoning. Would the creation of Mithila invigorate the region or further fragment Bihar’s administrative and economic capabilities?


The BJP’s immediate response has been tepid, with leaders emphasizing the cultural value of the Maithili Constitution but avoiding the politically volatile statehood debate. This silence may not hold for long, as the INDIA bloc, of which the RJD is a key member, appears poised to amplify the demand ahead of the 2025 elections. Tejashwi Yadav, Rabri Devi’s son and the Leader of the Opposition in the Assembly, has already proposed the establishment of a Mithila Development Authority, signalling the RJD’s intent to anchor its campaign in the aspirations of Mithilanchal.


Yet, practical hurdles loom large. Statehood would require not just political consensus within Bihar but also approval from the Centre, which has been reticent about new state creations in recent years. Moreover, could Mithila sustain itself independently, or would it require substantial federal assistance, potentially mirroring Jharkhand’s struggles post-bifurcation?


The RJD’s gambit seeks to transform an enduring cultural aspiration into a potent political strategy. Rabri Devi’s call has revived an old question: Is statehood the panacea for regional neglect, or does it risk compounding the challenges of governance?

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