Fatal Negligence

Newborns dying in a fire inside a government hospital is a devastating indictment of a system that is supposed to protect its most vulnerable patients. The Amravati District Women’s Hospital tragedy, where a blaze killed three infants, joins a long list of preventable institutional failures. Thirty-nine babies were inside the three-compartment facility when the fire erupted after a ventilator in the neonatal unit caught fire. Thirty-six were eventually rescued. Parents and eyewitnesses have...

min read

Newborns dying in a fire inside a government hospital is a devastating indictment of a system that is supposed to protect its most vulnerable patients. The Amravati District Women’s Hospital tragedy, where a blaze killed three infants, joins a long list of preventable institutional failures. Thirty-nine babies were inside the three-compartment facility when the fire erupted after a ventilator in the neonatal unit caught fire. Thirty-six were eventually rescued. Parents and eyewitnesses have alleged that the fire alarms did not sound and the automatic sprinklers failed to activate even as the district administration has said the hospital underwent regular fire audits and had applied for this year’s audit. An audit is meaningful only if it establishes that equipment works when lives depend on it. Maharashtra has already witnessed the deadly consequences of fire-safety failures in public hospitals. In 2021, eleven Covid-19 patients died in a fire at the Ahmednagar district hospital even though a fire audit conducted months earlier had recommended a firefighting system. The Amravati tragedy demands more than the familiar ritual of a high-level inquiry, compensation and promises of “strictest action”. The announcement of ex gratia payments cannot compensate parents who have lost a child they had barely begun to know. The investigation must establish not merely what ignited the fire, but why it was allowed to become fatal. Was the ventilator properly maintained? Were electrical and medical devices routinely inspected? Did alarms function? Were sprinklers operational? Was the NICU appropriately located and equipped for evacuation? Were staff trained and drills conducted? And most importantly, who was responsible for ensuring that every safeguard worked? There is another troubling detail: the neonatal unit was reportedly housed on the third floor, rather than at ground level, and questions have arisen over whether the unit was part of the building’s original plan. The state has built an elaborate architecture of laws and child-protection standards which seldom matches the situation on ground. Whether in government hospitals, schools or anganwadis, safety has become a box to be ticked rather than a responsibility to be lived. The most vulnerable children are consequently left dependent not on systems, but on the vigilance and heroism of individual staff members. That is an appalling way to run the childcare infrastructure of one India’s most developed states. A NICU is perhaps the worst possible place for institutional complacency: its patients are immobile, medically dependent and extraordinarily vulnerable to smoke, heat and even brief disruption of life-support equipment. The government must ensure that the Amravati deaths do not become another entry in the grim ledger of hospital tragedies followed by inquiries, outrage and forgetting. The real test will be whether the state can prevent the next newborn from dying in a hospital that was supposed to save him.

The Family Politicians

Aditi Pai
Nov 10, 2024
2 min read

Updated: Nov 12, 2024

In the affluent western belt of Maharashtra, the erstwhile princely state town of Phaltan has seen the Nimbalkar family being split vertically. Erstwhile nobility, the two parts of the family has been engaged in a feud over establishing and retaining political supremacy in the area.

The most prominent among them is Ramraje Naik Nimbalkar, a former minister who is also the former chairman of the legislative council. A post graduate in science and law, he was known to be a fine cricketer during his college days. Ramraje taught law at the ILS college in Pune but later moved to his hometown to head the Phaltan Education Society where he continued teaching law along with leading the educational institutes.

On one hand is Hindurao Naik Nimbalkar whose son Ranjeetsinh is a former BJP MP from Madha. On the other side are Ramraje and brother Sanjeevraje who heads Govind, the dairy and milk products business.

Ramraje joined politics in 1991 and became chairman of the municipal council. He then contested the assembly election and became an independent MLA in 1995. He supported the Manohar Joshi led Shiv Sena BJP government on the condition of bringing water to drought-prone areas in his district. With his efforts, he played a key role in the Krishna Valley Development Corporation which he led as the vice chairman. He later was appointed as the vice chairman of the state planning commission.

His grandfather Malojiraje Naik-Nimbalkar was the family’s first member in active politics. He was the minister in Morarji Desai’s cabinet and had the portfolios of PWD and irrigation with him. Records show that the construction work of the present day Mantralaya building was executed during Malojiraje’s tenure as the PWD minister in Maharashtra .

The family is connected to politicians by marriage as well. Ramraje’s daughter is married to Rahul Narwekar, Speaker in the Maharashtra Assembly in the outgoing legislature. He began his career as a Shiv Sena corporator from Mumbai but moved to the NCP and unsuccessfully contested the Lok Sabha elections from Maval. He then shifted to the BJP and entered the Legislative Assembly and was appointed the speaker in 2023.

Ramraje and Sanjeevraje went with Ajit Pawar when the NCP split last year. Last month, Sanjeevraje, chairman of the NCP in Satara district, returned to Sharad Pawar while his brother has remained with Ajit but has refused to actively campaign for his party.

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