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By:

Quaid Najmi

4 January 2025 at 8:56:24 pm

‘Save Sharia’ campaign feeds Hindutva politics

Mumbai: Prominent Muslims and others have slammed the All India Muslim Personal Law Board’s ‘Save India, Save Sharia’ nationwide campaign, alleging that it could deepen polarization while willy-nilly supporting the very forces the AIMPLB claims to oppose. Launched on Sep. 17 – coinciding with Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s 76th birthday – the AIMPLB’s 3-month-long campaign is aimed at mobilizing public opinion around protecting the Constitutional rights, preserving the Muslim Personal Law...

‘Save Sharia’ campaign feeds Hindutva politics

Mumbai: Prominent Muslims and others have slammed the All India Muslim Personal Law Board’s ‘Save India, Save Sharia’ nationwide campaign, alleging that it could deepen polarization while willy-nilly supporting the very forces the AIMPLB claims to oppose. Launched on Sep. 17 – coinciding with Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s 76th birthday – the AIMPLB’s 3-month-long campaign is aimed at mobilizing public opinion around protecting the Constitutional rights, preserving the Muslim Personal Law within the framework of safeguarding India’s pluralistic and democratic character. The AIMPLB leaders said they are soliciting support of people, intellectuals, activists, social and religious organisations who value justice, democracy, peace and the Constitution, to strengthen constitutional supremacy, the rule of law, justice and equality, religious freedom, social harmony and national unity. Around 100 progressive Muslim and non-Muslim intellectuals, activists, organisations and supporters have warned that what the AIMPLB presents as a defence of constitutional rights, religious freedom and Muslim identity "could deepen divisions, and may provide political ammunition to right-wing forces". The progressive have accused AIMPLB of selectively invoking Art. 25-30 of the Constitution related to Religious Freedom, while ignoring that these rights are explicitly subject to public order, morality, and health. Moreover, they conveniently bypass Articles 14 and 15, which guarantee equality before the law and prohibit sex or religion-based discrimination. “Following the 2024 Lok Sabha elections where civil society and opposition parties rallied under 'Save the Constitution', the AIMPLB's campaign inadvertently gave the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and the Sangh Parivar a platform to posture as defenders of constitutional norms. Ahead of crucial state assembly elections, this campaign reinforces false narratives and fuels propaganda that Indian Muslims reject the law of the land,” said the intellectuals. They pointed out how the so-called ‘God-given Shariat Law’ in India is nothing but man-made personal laws and ‘male interpreted patriarchal interpretations’, defended by the AIMPLB. In its September 2016 Supreme Court affidavit in the Triple Talaq case (Sayara Bano v/s. Union of India), the AIMPLB’s affidavit claimed divorce rights belong primarily to husbands because men allegedly possess ‘greater power of decision-making’ and ‘control emotions’. It even argued that without a quick separation option, a husband ‘may resort to illegal, criminal ways of murdering or burning her alive’ - a disturbing rationalization of domestic violence. Claiming these laws are divine, the AIMPLB admitted that “India is a patriarchal society, and therefore personal laws of all communities are aligned with the patriarchal notion...” The progressives countered that Muslim-majority nations globally including Pakistan, Bangladesh, Tunisia and Morocco have codified and reformed personal laws to protect women's rights. “Millions of Muslims live in secular democratic nations with uniform family codes without putting ‘Islam in danger’. The Muslim community’s current legal predicament in India is the direct result of the AIMPLB and conservative leaders failing to proactively reform and codify Muslim Personal Law,” said the progressives sharply. They said that genuine family law reform must guarantee Muslim women equal rights regarding minimum marriage age, abolition of polygamy, mutual divorce, equal inheritance, child custody, adoption, and a ban on female genital mutilation and halala. While secular political parties rarely support the rights of Muslim women, the BJP and the Hindu Right wing do so with an obvious motive: ‘communal polarization’, said the progressives. “The sangh parivar sheds crocodile tears for Muslim women while ignoring relentless hate speech (Love Jihad, Land Jihad…) and hate crimes like mob lynching, bulldozing homes, demolishing mosques or economic boycotts, with chants of ‘Jai Shri Ram’ to intimidate and strike fear. This accompanies state actions targeting Muslims: Waqf Amendment Act, draconian anti-conversion laws, and a weaponised SIR (Special Intensive Revision of Electoral Rolls) to disenfranchise vast sections of the electorate,” they averred. The progressives have sought the active involvement of all enlightened forces, civil society organisations and secular political parties to ensure that the demand for a gender-just, religion-neutral Uniform Civil Code is rooted in equality and human rights, rather than weaponized for communal division. Among the signatories to the appeal are: Naseeruddin Shah, Amol Palekar, Zeenat Shaukat Ali, Anand Patwardhan, Sultan Shaheen, Teesta Setalvad, Ram Puniyani, Tushar Gandhi, Mallika Sarabhai, Ratna Pathak, Feroze Mithiborwala, Anita Cheria, Zakia Soman, Jyothi Yedulla, Noorjehan S. Niaz, Madhu Bhaduri, et al.

The Frozen Assets of India’s Education Budget

Jul 28
3 min read

Education is a nation's premier capital investment. Its return is realised only when a degree translates into a pay cheque or a successful startup.

Imagine Bharath, a graduate from a middle-class Indian family. His parents spent their life savings on his degree. The government supported his journey through subsidised schooling, public university infrastructure and scholarships. Upon graduation, Bharath expected to begin earning, support his family and contribute to the national economy. Instead, he faces a bleak reality: months of fruitless job hunting.


Bharath is not an isolated case. His story exposes a structural flaw in our national balance sheet, raising a critical question: Is our massive public expenditure on education delivering real value for money, or is it merely creating a bubble of unemployable degrees?


As a Chartered Accountant, I believe public spending must be evaluated by economic outcomes, not merely budgeted outlays. Education is a nation's premier capital investment, designed to build human capital, raise productivity and drive long-term Gross Domestic Product (GDP). Yet the return on investment (ROI) is realised only when a degree translates into a pay cheque or a successful startup.


Every year, governments invest substantial public funds in schools, digital classrooms and skill-development schemes. Yet our job market reveals a severe asset-liability mismatch. While access to education has expanded, employability has stalled. According to recent MoSPI PLFS reports, overall unemployment has remained relatively stable, but youth unemployment (ages 15–29) continues to hover in the double digits, rising even higher in urban areas. Modern employers do not buy degrees; they seek data literacy, strong communication and practical problem-solving skills.


The problem is not education. It is employability.


When educated young people face prolonged unemployment or are forced to accept low-paying, low-skill jobs out of desperation, the consequences extend far beyond the individual. The effects ripple through households, businesses and the wider economy.


Household finances are among the first to come under strain. Family savings are depleted as parents and relatives continue supporting unemployed or underemployed youth. As savings diminish, household spending slows and debt rises, weakening financial resilience.


The wider economy also suffers. Young people without stable incomes cannot spend on goods and services, reducing consumer demand. Depressed domestic consumption directly affects retailers, businesses and overall economic growth.


The government incurs a double loss.


It first bears the cost of subsidising education and training, expecting that investment to create a productive workforce. When educated youth remain unemployed or underemployed, the state not only fails to realise that return but also loses the future direct and indirect tax revenues those individuals would otherwise have generated.


Accountants evaluate public spending using the three Es: Economy, Efficiency and Effectiveness. In our education system, we have largely achieved Economy by allocating funds prudently and Efficiency by expanding infrastructure and graduating students. However, we are falling short on effectiveness—ensuring graduates are equipped to generate tangible economic value.


We are measuring inputs, not outcomes.



Addressing this crisis requires urgent structural reforms that better align education with employment. Incremental changes will not be enough; academic institutions, industry and government must work together to bridge the gap between classrooms and careers.


Industry-backed curricula should replace outdated, theory-heavy models that no longer reflect workplace realities. Educational institutions must work closely with employers to keep courses relevant, while corporate-sponsored internships and practical apprenticeships should become an integral part of every student's learning.


Vocational education and financial literacy must receive far greater emphasis. Technical trades should enjoy the same social and economic status as traditional university degrees, recognising that skilled trades are essential to economic growth and offer rewarding career paths.


Companies should also be encouraged to invest in workforce development through targeted tax incentives. Tax breaks for businesses that run structured training and employment programmes for fresh graduates would help bridge the transition from education to employment. They would also create a stronger pipeline of job-ready talent.


Education cannot exist in a silo. Financial sustainability is achieved when public investment in education directly fuels private-sector growth. Matching our youth's potential with real market opportunities is not just good social policy—it is sound, non-negotiable financial management.


(The writer is a Chartered Accountant based in Thane. Views personal.) 

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